Opinion: Here’s how vaccines will become a political issue in 2022

President Biden may suffer the same fate as Harry Truman, whose plan to nationalize the steel industry was struck down by the Supreme Court.

By Frank Pignanelli & LaVarr Webb

The heat of summer is mostly over. But COVID-19, masks and vaccinations are producing plenty of sizzle both in Washington, D.C., and in Utah. We explore the ramifications.

President Joe Biden has ordered OSHA to develop an emergency rule mandating full vaccinations or weekly negative tests of employees in businesses with 100 or more workers. Some local governments and private organizations are also requiring vaccinations. Also, the Utah Legislature may consider legislation making employers liable for adverse reactions if they require employee vaccinations. Will this become an election issue in 2022?

Pignanelli: “There’s a whole legal weirdness to this issue. … People are for vaccine mandates even if a company does it themselves, but many are against the Biden administration and OSHA doing it.” — Sarah Isgur, ABC News

Our nation’s capital is consistent — faces change, but many issues do not. Harry S. Truman (a personal hero of mine) was facing a major crisis in 1952. The Armed Forces were engaged in the Korean conflict and the national economy was surging. Both activities needed steel, but a workers’ strike was imminent. Truman issued an executive order nationalizing the steel industry to resolve the dilemma. In Youngstown v. Sawyer, the Supreme Court ruled against the administration, stating the president lacked the authority to seize such private property without congressional authorization.

Biden is likely to suffer the same fate as Truman with the current Supreme Court. The rejection of his order on rental evictions suggests such an outcome. The administration is aware of the risk but maintains the realistic potential during the pendency of the proceedings, many employers will push the vaccination requirement.

So far, the business community is delivering a mixed response — signaling some view this as an opportunity to vaccinate their employees. Utah employers may take advantage of the situation, with the hope that the proposed liability legislation is not implemented.

Biden’s order will result in further hardening by the anti-vaxxers. Even those who submit will have hard feelings. Greater polarization on COVID-19 issues is the likely result (just what we needed!). These emotions will drive deliberations during the upcoming legislative session and onto the 2022 elections.

Yep, some things never change.

Webb: My wife and I are vaccinated, and I’m a big proponent of vaccinations. I believe vaccinations save lives and we need most of the population to be vaccinated to get the pandemic under control.

But I don’t think the federal government should mandate vaccinations, or force private organizations to require vaccinations of employees or customers, especially across the entire country. The country is too diverse for such a one-size-fits all decree.

Many governors, attorneys general, legislatures and business leaders are strongly rebelling against Biden’s mandate. A big question is how the coercion will be carried out and enforced. Labor Department attorneys could be fining or prosecuting thousands of businesses across the country.

I personally know workers who, unfortunately, will quit their jobs before getting a vaccination. I know some businesses already dealing with worker shortages who fear they will have to shut their doors because some employees will leave if forced to be vaccinated.

I respect the rights of private businesses to impose vaccine mandates on employees or customers if they’re willing to accept the backlash.

And I’m OK if local officials, who are close to their constituents and know what they want, impose mask requirements in schools. Salt Lake City School District is different than Alpine School District. And masks are obviously less personally intrusive than vaccinations.

Vaccine mandates will certainly be an election issue next year. It’s another example of massive federal overreach.

Recently, The Church of Jesus Christ of Latter-day Saints said it will not support members who seek formal religious exemptions to COVID-19 vaccine mandates from local church leaders. How does this influence political deliberations?

Pignanelli: If Utah employers enforce the Biden mandates, requests for religious exemptions are likely to cause controversy. There may be demands for legislative actions that help those seeking such exceptions. However, the church’s statement is very clear in support of vaccinations. This controversy could be an intense issue in the next 12 months.

Webb: The church is being completely consistent in refusing to sign religious exemption applications sought by members to avoid vaccinations. Vaccinations don’t violate church doctrine or practices. On the contrary, top church leaders have strongly encouraged vaccinations. So it would make no sense at all for a church leader to sign an application from a member stating that a religious exemption should be granted to the member.

While vaccinations are not a doctrinal matter and have no bearing on worthiness in the church, members who oppose and refuse vaccinations are clearly at odds with the counsel of their leaders.

Will vaccination become a litmus test for both parties far into the future?

Pignanelli: Because vaccination and masks are emotionally polarizing, strident activists on either side of the political spectrum will demand fealty by candidates in caucuses, primaries, etc.

Webb: It’s terribly unfortunate that what should be a medical/doctor/patient issue has become a highly-charged, ultra-divisive political issue. We defeated polio and smallpox with near-universal, voluntary vaccinations. We don’t have big political fights over them. It is a sad commentary on the state of politics and our society that COVID-19 vaccinations have come to symbolize our political dysfunction and acrimony. Both sides are to blame.

Opinion: 9/11 was a day that shattered an age of innocence

America had won the Cold War and was the world’s only superpower, but suddenly it was vulnerable to a group of terrorists

By Frank Pignanelli & LaVarr Webb

Your columnists are proud to participate in this important Deseret News project remembering 9/11. We share our reflections, including the impact on Utah and national politics then and now.

What are your personal recollections of the day? Did other Utahns share such feelings and influence political deliberations?

Pignanelli: “These acts shattered steel, but they cannot dent the steel of America’s resolve.” — George W. Bush.

I was attending a breakfast event across the street from the White House that morning. After the second plane crashed, we were immediately evacuated onto Pennsylvania Avenue. I was confronted by thousands scrambling to secure transportation. Fear and panic was thick in the air. While walking the National Mall in the evening, there was a surreal scene of tanks and military equipment guarding the nation’s memorials, as if a coup had occurred.

America had won the Cold War and engineered the greatest technological advances in human history, but now the country was vulnerable to a handful of terrorists. Local leaders delivered rousing speeches and statements. Yet, their actions revealed the important element. Most politicians reflected Utah’s usual response to a crisis – work hard to solve the problem and insure no repeats. For example, Utahns doubled their commitment to guarantee the 2002 Olympics would be the safest and most efficient thereby demonstrating to the world what liberty and strength can purchase.

Furthermore, we comprehended our enemies were no longer just rogue countries, but also terroristic organizations. Officials and candidates were expected to promote measures that enhanced security and public safety. Shrewd politicians possessed a knowledge of global affairs.

As with America, our state was founded upon ideas, not geography or human-made structures. So we knew dark forces could not defeat us. But we needed to improve our economic security and strive for a society that benefits all. Perhaps a portion of Utah’s incredible success for two decades is an unconscious response to that portentous day.

Webb: Sept. 11, 2001, shattered an age of innocence. We had defeated communism. We were the world’s preeminent nation. No country could challenge us militarily or economically. We were secure in world leadership.

Then came the events of 9/11, changing much about America, leaving us feeling vulnerable in our own country and communities.

We mobilized for a prolonged engagement in a new kind of conflict, the permanent war on terrorism. Today an entire generation has grown up in the shadow of this struggle, including lengthy engagements in Iraq and Afghanistan.

Along with millions of other Americans, I sat mesmerized, watching hours and days of nonstop television news on 9/11 and thereafter. Many of us witnessed on live television the shock and horror of large aircraft plunging into the Twin Towers. We also saw with tearful pride the heroism of first responders and the passengers on Flight 93, who crashed their airplane in a field in Pennsylvania, preventing a mass suicide attack in the nation’s capital.

For a period, we were united as Americans in patriotism and empathy. We supported our leadership. We didn’t care about politics or blame. Many young men and women volunteered for military duty.

The war on terrorism has been expensive, both in military lives lost in foreign countries and billions of dollars spent revamping our travel systems and hardening terrorism targets. History will judge whether our response was justified. But hindsight is always 20/20. We did what was best in the context of the moment. And we have prevented further mass terrorism attacks in America in the last two decades.

Did 9/11 provide opportunities in national and local politics that were utilized or ignored?

Pignanelli: The crisis could have launched efforts to maximize efficiency in government, while finding common ground among the political spectrum. Unfortunately, the petty partisans could not help themselves.

But in countless communities across the country the American resolve continued and flourished — especially in Utah. Religious and community organizations used commemorations to remind us why we should be grateful and never cease treasuring our principles. Utah kept the flame of 9/11 alive.

Webb: When America is attacked, we mobilize in unity, patriotism and purpose. But the unity doesn’t last very long. Today, America is plagued with more division, partisanship and alienation than any time in recent history. The recent chaotic and deadly exit from Afghanistan is an embarrassing and discordant bookend to the terrorism attacks on 9/11. With midterm elections looming, political conflict will only worsen at the national level.

It’s more important than ever for states like Utah to show how opposing sides with strong feelings can still work together to solve problems and achieve goals.

How should future generations of Utahns memorialize this day?

Pignanelli: Our descendants will remember this day as a wake-up call for constant vigilance toward the enemies of freedom. They should also recall with fondness how we responded to the challenge in our everyday lives. Hopefully, the commentaries will provide examples of our collective determination.

Webb: The brief period of unity of common purpose can be aspirational for those who came after 9/11. More likely, the individual stories of valor, selflessness and devotion to duty by first responders and others who sacrificed their lives on that day can serve as inspiration for many generations of Utahns and Americans.

Will Republicans retake the House in 2022

Redistricting by Republican legislatures, and President Joe Biden’s missteps could give the GOP an election advantage.

By Frank Pignanelli & LaVarr Webb

The biggest political question between now and November 2022 will be: Can Republicans retake control of Congress? Right now, Republicans are quite optimistic, and some analysts say they have reason to be. We look at the national political climate and what it means for Utah.

The party in power gets the blame when things go wrong. The debacle in Afghanistan, the COVID-19 resurgence and unprecedented deficit spending have put the Biden administration on the defensive. In addition, GOP control of redistricting in many states could tilt the playing field. Is it all but inevitable that Democrats lose control of Congress?

Pignanelli: “Biden did the right thing getting us out of Afghanistan. But he did it badly.”—Maureen Dowd, New York Times.

In 2016, many well-paid political gurus unequivocally predicted the “Blue Wall” guaranteed overwhelming victory for Hillary Clinton. In 2018, these sages declared the “Red Seawall” of Republican redistricting would protect their majority in the House. They predicted major gains for Democrats in 2020. Thus, readers are cautioned against over reliance on speculations from such “experts” regarding 2022. (Especially beware of LaVarr and me.)

Yet, history does offer some guidance. Perceptions of the 1975 Saigon evacuation contributed to Gerald Ford’s 1976 loss. The embarrassing 1980 botched rescue attempt of Americans in Iran detrimentally impacted Jimmy Carter. Bungling relief efforts by the Bush administration after Hurricane Katrina helped Democrats capture both houses of Congress in 2006. (Conversely, in 1983, after American soldiers were slaughtered in Lebanon, Ronald Reagan — who understood the power of symbolism — invaded Grenada within days to restore perceptions of strength and competency.)

Americans — a hardworking, productive people — are oftentimes required to perform well in crisis situations. They expect the same of their government.

The Biden administration has about six months to find its Grenada to demonstrate proficiency and restore prestige. Otherwise, the history books, not political pundits, will offer guidance to November 2022.

Webb: Redistricting alone could net Republicans 4 to 5 seats in the House. Smart people I talk to say it’s very likely Republicans will win the House, and they have a very good chance to take back the Senate.

Democrats understand this, and that’s why they’re so anxious to show progress by passing three key bills: The voting rights bill, which would nationalize elections in America, the $1.2 trillion bipartisan infrastructure bill, and the $3.5 trillion “human infrastructure” bill that will dramatically enlarge the welfare state and the size and reach of the federal government.

The problem is, the voting rights bill and the human infrastructure bill might hurt, not help, the Democrats in the midterms. With razor-thin victory margins in 2020, Democrats didn’t really have a mandate to raise taxes, go on a spending spree, run roughshod over state prerogatives and open the southern border to millions of illegal immigrants. But they’re forging ahead anyway.

Add to that the Afghanistan disaster, surging inflation, rising crime, the COVID-19 upsurge, and an overall decline of confidence in government, and we can see why Democrats are worried.

In Utah, will the national political climate ensure victories for our four House members and Sen. Mike Lee, or will local factors be more important?

Pignanelli: Midterm election results can be weird. Candidates on a trajectory to win reelection in November often confront serious primary challenges earlier in the year, claiming the incumbent is “out of touch.” Thus, Utah’s congressional delegation must be extraordinarily cognizant in times of political turmoil and expand attention beyond a narrow vocal base.

If President Biden and Congressional Democrats are able to pivot the current challenges into clear victories, some traction could be available for local Democrats in November. But that is a tall order.

Webb: Utah is doing very well, so Republicans will have an opportunity to nationalize the congressional races and turn them into referenda on Biden’s performance and the Democrats’ congressional agenda. Lee’s approval ratings aren’t great, and he does face some formidable primary election challenges. But he’s the favorite to win the nomination and then cruise to an easy general election victory.

Congressman Burgess Owens could be vulnerable, but only if the Democrats nominate a top-notch moderate candidate who can show independence from the national Democrats.

Is former President Donald Trump a wild card that could help or hurt the Republicans?

Pignanelli: Biden gathered millions of new voters only because Trump’s personality offended them. So, strong arguments are made that Trump could be a detriment for 2022. But if Biden is viewed as incompetent and unsafe, the “good ole days” of Trump may be remembered by some with fondness.

Webb: If Republicans could use Trump strategically, so he energizes the GOP base, but stays away where he hurts, Trump could definitely help the party retake Congress. But Trump is unlikely to listen to the campaign strategists. He will do as he wishes, will continue to offend moderate Republicans and independents, and promote himself above party interests. On balance, Republicans would do better if he was quiet and skipped the midterms. Fat chance of that.

The politics of COVID-19 and mask mandates

The delta variant will determine whether pandemic politics dominate yet another election cycle in 2022.

By Frank Pignanelli & LaVarr Webb

The Delta variant of the COVID-19 virus is raging in Utah and elsewhere. That means the emotional debate over mandatory masking and vaccination is also erupting. We explore the impacts on local politics.

The Republican majority on the Salt Lake County Council overrode the decision by Mayor Jenny Wilson and Health Director Dr. Angela Dunn to require masks in public schools in the county. Will there be political repercussions? Is this a precursor to partisan battles in 2022?

Pignanelli: “The numbers are really scary...this is not just a red state or blue state thing... COVID doesn’t care about your politics.”— Kristen Soltis Anderson, GOP pollster. Late last year on a television program, I confidently predicted vaccinations would be the central political issue for 2022. I was 10 percent correct. My errant conjecture assumed most of the population would demand inoculation. The current sizable resistance to “the jab” was unknown. But this dynamic exists and is influencing our culture, workplace, and politics.

We are in uncharted waters as to how a pandemic affects two election cycles. So even thoughtful politicos are risking mindless speculation. (But that does not stop us).

If the delta variant burns out by the fall, then other issues will predominate next election. However, COVID-19 mutations spiking case counts, especially among children, will unleash mammoth emotions this year and next. These include increased battles between officials pushing or objecting to mandates for masking and “vaxxing”. Extremists in both parties will succumb to the temptation of COVID-19 issue litmus tests for candidates, influencing delegate selection in the early months of 2022. Thus, the party conventions of next year could be referenda on government responses, mandates, conspiracies, and anything else related to the virus. Further, Utahns can expect repeat performances of Salt Lake County in other locales.

The pandemic is demonstrating that predictions are easy, but details are hard...especially for politicos.

Webb: It’s unfortunate, but understandable, that the response to the resurgent virus has become a highly emotional political issue. Not much is more contentious than government forcing parents to mask up their kindergarteners.

Neither side has much patience with the other. Some feel strongly that we should force parents to “just follow the science” by accepting mask mandates to protect children and the people they interact with. After all, we require parents to reasonably care for their children. They can’t abuse them or leave them in a hot car.

On the other side are parents and others who say a mask mandate encroaches too far on parental rights. It crosses the line and, in some cases, does more harm than good.

This is not a dry public policy issue. It’s about health, liberty, parental rights and coercion. It makes grown people cry and seethe with rage.

Personally, I believe that masks and vaccinations are critical to slowing this scary new variant and I encourage parents to have children mask up at school. But I don’t think it should be mandated.

Elected leaders appropriately look more broadly than health concerns. They take into account the feelings of constituents and the temperature of the issue. The reality is that we’re at a point in the pandemic, despite the upsurge, where many citizens have had it with masks and limitations.

I worry that a child mask mandate would spark rebellion. A law that many people oppose or ignore is usually a bad law. I encourage parents to mask up their children, but I agree with the County Council that a mandate was wrong.

Is Gov. Spencer Cox or the Utah Legislature likely to further weigh in on local decisions regarding the pandemic?

Pignanelli: The Legislature expended gallons of blood and sweat reconstructing the relationship between state and local governments for emergency situations. An immediate revisit is unlikely.

Gov. Cox is garnering national attention for his emotional but balanced approaches, coaching people to wear masks and obtain a vaccination. Although some right-wing extremists oppose such admonitions, his leadership skills are resonating. Cox is fulfilling the primary role of the state’s chief executive. Consequently, despite any minor bumps his long-term reputation and political capital will be enhanced.

Webb: The Legislature will monitor what happens at the local level and isn’t going to look favorably on jurisdictions that impose mask mandates. Personally, I believe governance closest to the people is the best governance, and I believe local governments, to the extent possible, should run themselves without interference from the legislative branch.

Given the strong feelings on both sides, how can we slow the spread of the Delta variant and potentially worse mutations?

Pignanelli: The fundamentals our parents and kindergarten teachers taught us are now critical to civilization. Of course, these include courtesy, kindness and respect towards others. There are a thousand different ways to apply these basic rules of society in response to the pandemic (wearing masks, evaluating vaccinations, etc.).

Webb: Take personal responsibility. The most important thing is to get vaccinated. Vaccinations are safe and effective. If everyone (or a high percentage) gets vaccinated the other issues go away. It’s discouraging that just when things were getting back to normal, this new variant reared up. But we can’t give up. Gotta keep fighting. Get the shot.

Who is right on infrastructure, Mitt Romney or Mike Lee?

Utah’s senators are at odds over a $1.2 trillion package that passed the Senate this week. House Democrats hope to push a $3.5 trillion package.

By Frank Pignanelli & LaVarr Webb

All eyes in Washington this week were on the $1.2 trillion bipartisan Senate infrastructure legislation passed on Tuesday. It’s particularly interesting to us because Utah Republican Sens. Mike Lee and Mitt Romney have been very visible on this high-profile legislation — but on opposite sides. We explore the political intrigue.

The infrastructure bill, which now awaits action in the House, is a high priority for the Biden administration and Democrats, and for a lesser number of Republicans in Congress. Is it a good idea for the country on its merits and can it demonstrate some much-needed bipartisanship?

Pignanelli: “This is a major win to show that the institution of bipartisanship and that comity, that working together, can happen.”— Rahm Emanuel Senate Amendment 2137 to H.R. 3684, the Infrastructure Investment and Jobs Act, must pass ... for truly pathetic reasons. Americans need reaffirmation that Congress is not completely useless and can do something that impacts the entire nation in a bipartisan approach. Romney understands this and is willing to commit political capital and much effort to the noble cause of peeling off a few scabs of dysfunction at the Capitol.

Also, Romney and his gang of moderates know the opponents screaming from the sidelines need to lose for demonstration purposes. Former President Donald Trump and right-wing supporters are denouncing the bill as excessive (even though Trump proposed a higher price tag for his infrastructure proposal). Lefty progressives are threatening extortion of withholding support unless the additional $3.5 trillion package succeeds. Thus, full passage of the amended HR 3684 — independent of the other bill — provides comforting relief that adults are roaming the Capitol halls and intelligent politicking in the national interest is not dead.

Because he can ignore Trump, extremists from either side and just about everyone else, Romney is well placed to lead the bipartisan coalition. Admittedly, the threshold is low, but at least someone is elevating this sad process.

Webb: Infrastructure funding has been a top priority for both parties for many years. Trump pushed an even more expensive plan. The country certainly needs a big infrastructure upgrade, including in new areas like cybersecurity technology. Overall, I support the legislation, but have mixed feelings because these enormous funding bills always include a lot of extraneous pet projects and their funding formulas often favor and bail out profligate cities and states with no fiscal discipline.

Still, with Congress closely divided, a perfect bill was never going to be passed. Compromise means giving in on some things for the greater good. It was this bill or nothing. Romney and his GOP negotiators were able to keep the bill reasonably close to being a true infrastructure bill, although it does include many things I would not support.

Romney has said the bill will not raise taxes and will not increase the deficit. However, the Congressional Budget Office scored the legislation as raising the deficit by $256 billion over 10 years. That reality, along with Trump’s vocal opposition, galvanized conservative Republicans in their opposition. Not many House Republicans will vote for it.

Sen. Romney has been a leader and strong champion for the legislation. Sen. Lee has been a leading opponent. Is one wrong, or are they both partly right?

Pignanelli: Romney’s involvement was critical in developing a package with better allocation of resources while providing protection to GOP moderates. The former presidential candidate brought establishment support that is attracting Senate Minority Leader Mitch McConnell and others.

However, even I can smell the nonsense in the bill from 2,000 miles away. It is loaded with the usual tricks and gimmicks both parties use repeatedly to shamefully claim a bill pays for itself. Lee is asking the uncomfortable, but needed, questions and placing important markers for the future. The honest evaluation is the bill increases the deficit yet validates bipartisanship and funds important infrastructure projects. The criticisms need to be remembered so when the next funding behemoth comes along, recriminations for outlandish promises can be utilized.

Webb: Clearly, Lee and Romney are both partly right, and they both make persuasive arguments. A key conservative claim is that passage of this bill will help Democrats pass their $3.5 trillion “human infrastructure” bill, which was written by Sen. Bernie Sanders and is laden with every item on the liberal social spending wish list — free stuff for everyone.

House Speaker Nancy Pelosi has linked the two bills, saying the House won’t pass the Senate infrastructure bill until the Senate also passes the $3.5 trillion legislation.

But Romney and others argue passing the Senate bill makes it less likely the $3.5 trillion bill will pass because Republicans and moderate Democratic senators, after just approving the $1.2 trillion, are going to recoil from boosting spending by another unfathomable $3.5 trillion. Even by Washington standards, these incredible spending levels are too much for many members of Congress.

Is this legislation good for Utah and needed to improve our infrastructure?

Pignanelli: Because of climate change, population growth and other factors, Utah must readjust its approach to natural resources — especially water and air. Federal support can help us achieve this.

Webb: Even though Utah isn’t always getting its proportionate share of the mind-boggling funding coming out of the federal government, it’s still an enormous amount of money. I’m confident Utah policymakers will use the money wisely on long-term, big-ticket infrastructure projects like water conservation and development and transportation projects.

What is the ‘Utah way,’ and can it survive?

Utah’s leaders have a history of working toward compromises on difficult issues. Will the state’s growing population make such solutions harder in the future?

By Frank Pignanelli & LaVarr Webb

Utah’s remarkable economy, civil political discourse and healthy lifestyle are increasingly noted by national and local media. Often, references are made to the “Utah Way” as the secret sauce for the state’s success. Your columnists, native Utahns with very different backgrounds, offer their perspectives.

What is the “Utah Way” and is it as pervasive as many claim?

Pignanelli: “Utah was founded by exiles from the United States…and its history still defines the state. So, it may seem a strange place for lessons for the rest of America”—The Economist

As an Italian Irish Catholic whose family has dwelled here more than a century, my experiences vary from the traditional Utahn. Yet, I possess a passionate conviction in “The Utah Way”.

Members of The Church of Jesus Christ of Latter-day Saints excel in many ways — except for tooting their horns. I am happy to blow the instruments for them.

Utah’s success is a direct effect from the church and its members. The institution prioritizes education, family, community, patriotism, etc. Their legacy of enduring hardship, discrimination, and decades of abuse from government percolates deep in the society. The multiple tragedies did not produce victimization but rather a drive to achieve through hard work, tolerance, collaboration, and compassion.

There would be no Utah without the church. Our geographical area would have been the borderlands of Nevada and Colorado. The pioneers intentionally moved here with an intent to build a beacon of hope and faith. This “sense of purpose” still abides. Without full-time clergy, multitudes volunteer time to fulfill numerous important roles — an environment unparalleled on the planet.

These dynamics create a quality that permeates the thoughts and actions of members and nonmembers. I consistently observe this force in business, political and community activities. Many articulate the advantages of the Utah Way. As a heathen Gentile, I help explain its origins.

Webb: There’s no question that we have a more collaborative, less siloed, business and political culture than is the case in many other states. I’ve heard a number of key leaders who have come to Utah from elsewhere, really without much knowledge of the state, comment that Utah’s collaborative tradition is unique, refreshing and effective.

For example, Andrew Gruber is executive director of the Wasatch Front Regional Council and has emerged as a trusted and effective leader in transportation in Utah. We’re very lucky to have him and his family. Gruber came from the Chicago area a number of years ago where turf battles were unrelenting among cities, counties, public transit districts and the state transportation department. I’ve heard him comment how remarkable it is for all agencies and stakeholders, along with the Legislature and business community, to voluntarily work together to solve Utah’s short- and long-range transportation challenges.

Another example: The Salt Lake Chamber has unified the business community all across the state, and works with government and other institutions more effectively than almost any business organization in the country.

This sort of collaborative spirit is common across the spectrum of fields and disciplines in Utah. We see it in business, government and down at the neighborhood level.

Will party turmoil hurt Republicans in 2022?

Trump’s inability to let go of voter fraud claims may make it hard for Republicans to take advantage of Democratic mistakes.

By Frank Pignanelli & LaVarr Webb

Utah is obviously a Republican state. So when pundits and observers consistently talk about all the factions and schisms within the GOP, questions arise about the impact on our state politics. We join in the fun.

Major media outlets are documenting potential splinters among Republicans on issues like allegiance to Donald Trump, vaccinations, and even climate change. Is Utah experiencing such tremors?

Pignanelli: “Republicans refused to push vaccines and tick off a significant portion of our base. But, with cases increasing, that calculus changed because guess who’s getting sick? Republicans” — Glen Bolger, GOP Pollster

Adult chaperones on high school field trips ooze calm while inwardly anxious at the potential of chaos. High-profile Utah Republicans exude similar patience while secretly anguishing while their national peers create havoc in the political arena.

President Joseph Biden suffered a recent hit in approval ratings — attributed to his failed goal of 70% vaccinations by July 4. Americans want results in resolving the pandemic. Thus, if the refusal by many to obtain a vaccination creates economic and societal problems, those perceived as responsible will suffer recriminations. GOP operatives understand this and are openly diminishing partisanship of the issue. Utah leaders have inoculated themselves through responsible direct messaging of support for the “jab”.

Announcing fealty to the former president may secure a dedicated base, but it does alienate moderate Republicans and chunks of independents. Cautious candidates proclaim “Trumpish” qualities without referencing the man.

The Trump debate is causing small cracks in Utah’s GOP. Sen. Mike Lee faces several interparty opponents. Mitt Romney is not the favorite among some conservative factions. Local officials are subjected to inquisitions on the matter.

Equally compelling is that affluent Republicans are gathering in small groups to discuss ways to prevent any further drift of the party towards the Trumpistas. This indicates a low boil of turmoil.

Local political chaperones hope for peaceful field trips through 2022.

Webb: Divisions have always existed between arch-conservatives and moderate Republicans in Utah. We’ve seen it manifest on issues like SB54/Count My Vote. But Utah is so heavily Republican and conservative that the schisms have seldom led to losses to Democrats. If Utah was a closely-divided swing state, the rifts would matter more.

Democrats and the Biden administration are trying to blame Republicans for lower-than-expected vaccination rates. But one big Democratic demographic group suffering from low vaccination rates is lower-income, inner-city, communities of color. That’s the fault of Democratic leaders for failing in their outreach and education efforts.

Meanwhile, responsible Republicans ought to encourage vaccinations and not let resentment toward shutdowns, mask mandates, vaccine passports, mixed messaging, etc., become a deterrent.

The vaccine works. Everyone should get it except those with prohibiting health conditions.

The Trump factor, more particularly his insistence that the election was stolen, is definitely dividing the GOP. The party would be reasonably united and poised for congressional gains in 2022 were it not for Trump wanting the election to be about one thing – himself.

Trump’s 2020 election obsession is getting really old . . . starting to smell like a dead fish. Democrats are giving Republicans plenty of great stuff with which to defeat them (border chaos, surging crime, inflation, COVID-19 resurgence, deficits, the nanny state, identity and grievance politics, and so forth). But Trump and his ego might ensure the Republicans snatch defeat from the jaws of victory.

The sad thing is, Trump could be a unifying force in the party, leading the charge on Democratic leadership failings. Instead, his focus is all on himself. It’s an incredible act of selfishness.

Do any of these issues offer potential for primary upsets and even surprises in general elections next year?

Pignanelli: The 2010 midterm elections during the last Democrat president administration, offer indirect guidance. Then, tea party conservatives rejected moderate Republicans and captured many Democratic seats. The frustration of 12 years ago may be exhibited in 2022 in unusual ways and transform the GOP in unexpected directions. If the vaccination tug-of-war intensifies, Trump remains a factor, and fear abounds from the economy and climate, the unpredictability will be greater than 2020.

Webb: Nationally, the Democrats are vastly overreaching with their multi-trillion-dollar spending proposals and cultural crusades to remake society. Were it not for the Trump distraction and the likelihood that Senate Republicans will save the Democrats from themselves by blocking the most outrageous stuff, 2022 could be a realigning election — worse than 2010 for the Democrats.

Will Utah Democrats face similar pressures this year and next from fringe activities?

Pignanelli: As with the right wing, left wing adherents care more for purity than for electoral success. Such dynamics in the past have fostered skirmishes between pragmatic special interest groups and lefty advocacy organizations. The turbulent environment suggests Democrats will encounter inner turmoil.

Webb: National Democrats are trying to enact the most liberal, big-government agenda in my lifetime. Utah Democrats (at least outside of Salt Lake City) should run, not walk, from this manifesto.

Best of State Awards Gala

Renae Cowley and Frank Pignanelli attended the Best of State Awards Gala to accept the Best of State Award for Foxley and Pignanelli. Renae also was a presenter for the Best of State Award in Sports. Both had a wonderful time, and thank the Best of State selection Committee for the honor.