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Wild and crazy state GOP convention

Frank Pignanelli & LaVarr Webb

Utah political pundits and commentators have been abuzz with analysis and conjecture regarding last Saturday’s political conventions. We also can’t resist sharing our wise perceptions (aka ramblings from two old guys) of these important events.

The state Republican Convention was a 16-hour grueling test of survival for delegates, activists and especially the candidates. Among key outcomes: Senate candidate Trent Staggs captured 70% of the delegate vote, and Gov. Spencer Cox garnered only 32% against Phil Lyman’s 68%. What lessons or trends can be gleaned from this springtime political fest?

Pignanelli: “A political convention is just not a place where you come away with any trace of faith in human nature.” — Murray Kempton.

Many Utahns were rolling eyes in response to the convention delegates’ antics. Yet, regardless of the demonstrations and outcomes, these politicos were given valuable insight into electioneering developments.

First, high-paid consultants refused to acknowledge a national trend that was obvious in other federal races for a decade. Bombarding voters with TV ads, especially within that narrow slice of 4,000 delegates, was a waste of resources. The commercials aired by Senate candidates contained identical messaging (i.e., “tough on immigration, Biden, inflation, etc.”). But they all lacked creativity. Staggs shrewdly avoided this trap and won.

The convention also reflected the internal struggles confronting the GOP in other states and nationally between traditional, mainstream Republicans and Trumpistas. The latter prevailed last Saturday.

The delegates established a four-way primary for Senate and a five-way contest for the 3rd Congressional District. So, the successful candidates who achieve around 35 to 40% will win. This dynamic creates an advantage for contenders with a strong base — Curtis and Staggs. Cookie-cutter TV ads will again be useless.

Recent polling indicates that Cox will perform well in the primary.

History documents that convention results are rarely mirrored in a primary result. The recent sacrifice of delegates will be soon forgotten, except as future argument points among insiders.

Webb: The lesson is, if you want to win at the State Republican convention, lick Donald Trump’s boots, make silly demands like “defund the U.N.!” (Trent Staggs), and align with do-nothing obstructionists like Lauren Boebert, Marjorie Taylor Greene and Matt Gaetz.

Don’t propose anything that might actually have a chance of passing Congress and being signed by the president. Just make simplistic demands that push the nation’s most serious problems off into the future.

My biggest concern is that some of these candidates, if they win, would push our nation closer to World War III with their embrace of Vladimir Putin and hostility toward our allies. Utah doesn’t need another isolationist in Congress.

It’s obvious that Lyman will be soundly defeated by Gov. Cox in the primary election. Staggs has a better chance in the primary if the right wing coalesces around him, while the mainstream vote is split between John Curtis and Brad Wilson. I think Staggs still loses, but it might be close.

In my years of involvement in politics, I’m perhaps most proud of helping a terrific group of people, including Mike Leavitt, Gail Miller, Rich McKeown and others, establish the signature-gathering path for candidates to get on the primary election ballot. Utah would be in a terrible place politically if delegates alone controlled the nomination process.

The media has extensively covered the boos and catcalls that Gov. Cox endured during his convention speeches. Also, many incumbents were defeated or forced into primaries. What is the cause, and remedy, of this hostility?

Pignanelli: The outrageous overt expressions of nastiness by convention partisans against their own is a result of extremism fueled by consolidating power into small, elite groups. Since the introduction of signature gathering, delegates are desperately clinging to any ounce of power that remains on convention day. Last week’s antics ensure more candidates will gather signatures as an insurance policy and strategic campaign decision to avoid delegates’ unpredictable behavior. This will result in further dilution of delegate influence while producing crowded primary ballots.

Webb: Politics is a rough-and-tumble sport. But that doesn’t mean delegates should descend into ugly mob behavior in the emotion of a political convention. A lot of them were probably embarrassed the next morning. Cox joins an all-star lineup of fine politicians who have been booed at state Republican conventions. In fact, if you’re not booed by this crowd, something must be wrong with you. Were he at that podium, Ronald Reagan himself would have been booed.

Also last Saturday, Democrats hosted a rather subdued state convention. Anything noticeable from the minority party?

Pignanelli: Some pundits criticized Democrats for not fostering more candidates and primaries. This is a silly observation. They fulfilled their mission of providing a full slate for major offices with little internal turmoil.

Webb: For the most part, the Democrats nominated solid, moderate candidates who have no chance to win the major races. But it’s good to have competition on the general election ballot.

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A state convention preview

By Frank Pignanelli & LaVarr Webb

State party conventions will be held this Saturday. Election dynamics make the Republican gathering historic and impactful, and it will illustrate the positives and negatives of the current nomination process. Since your columnists have been engaged observers of this unique American activity for half a century, we offer our perspectives.

A large percentage of federal and state candidates in competitive contests have secured placement on the primary ballot through the signature gathering option. They do this while still professing affection for delegates and conventions. How is this relatively new avenue of political access (first implemented in 2014) evolving and is it here to stay?

Pignanelli: “Gathering signatures is more than an insurance policy. It’s definitely a strategy.” — Becki Wright, CEO Proximity, Hinckley Report. New telephone area codes, limitations on sharing streaming services and reservations to visit recreation areas are examples of the many lifestyles changes we today endure because of ongoing societal developments. Similarly, signature gathering is now a permanent feature of Utah’s elections that reflects such alterations to our daily routines.

Although expensive, collecting signatures guarantees placement on the primary ballot. Equally important, this action has evolved into a multifaceted tool by campaigns to ensure contention in the primary and force lesser financed competitors to expend resources. Contemporarily, convention battles have increased in costs, thereby diminishing any advantages to this process. Thus, to rely solely on the fickle attitudes of delegates is an unreliable tactic.

The inability to share your Netflix password with friends, and the hassle of collecting signatures, are now fixed inconveniences.

Webb: When I was a newspaper reporter decades ago, I attended and wrote about many party caucuses and county, state and national conventions. After leaving journalism, I helped candidates prepare for these critical election milestones, and I also served many times as a county and state delegate.

So I have a fondness for the caucus/convention process. Gathering at a local school with neighbors to discuss politics and important issues is an excellent exercise in grassroots democracy. It remains a valid path to get on the primary election ballot.

I like party activists. I respect people who are passionate about politics and show up at every political event. But I don’t think they, alone, should get to decide who appears on the primary ballot. More casual party members also need a voice in the nominating process. That’s why I was involved in the Count My Vote effort that produced the hybrid system we have today, enabling candidates to seek a spot on the primary ballot via the caucus/convention system, or by gathering signatures, or by using both paths.

The fact is that caucuses and conventions are not representative of the voting public. Plenty of old, white, males (like me) participate. But women, minorities and young people are vastly underrepresented, but still want and deserve a role in the process.

Candidates have embraced signature gathering to secure a ballot position. The dual-path system is working well. We need to keep it.

The 2024 election is massively important for Utah Republicans. It features key open state and federal seats and a crucial presidential race. Despite these incentives for involvement, turnout was low at the Super Tuesday March 5 precinct caucuses to select delegates and vote a presidential preference. Is this a message that most Republicans have lost interest in the caucus/convention system?

Pignanelli: A solid rule of our culture is that Americans express their preferences for consumer products, services and community activities through purchases or attendance. Utahns have signaled little interest in spending time, especially on a beautiful Saturday, listening to activists debate minutia. Further, conventions are plagued with inefficiencies caused by longtime problems party officials inherited.

How we interact with our family, health care professionals, work colleagues, etc. changed dramatically in the last 20 years. So, even the most engaged citizens prefer a similar, and easier, route of political involvement. In other words, they choose the comfort of wearing fuzzy slippers and a robe while at home to complete the ballot that has been sitting on the kitchen counter for weeks.

Webb: Precinct caucuses don’t fit busy modern lifestyles. I wish more people would attend and vote for convention delegates, but caucus participation, as a percentage of party voters, is going to continue to decline.

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Why this school board member was defeated at the GOP convention

By Frank Pignanelli & LaVarr Webb

Last week, Utah witnessed three developments that ranged from sad to intriguing to hopeful. We review how these events are important in our local politics.

State School Board incumbent Natalie Cline was trounced by her challenger, Amanda Bollinger, 63%-37%, in last week’s Salt Lake County Republican convention and will not be on the primary ballot. Already a controversial figure, Cline received national attention for implying in a social media post that a minor student athlete was transgender. Beyond the obvious fact that negative publicity usually hurts candidates, what does the convention result tell us?

Pignanelli: “Bullying never has to do with you. It’s the bully who’s insecure.”Shay Mitchell

A former advocate of party conventions now turned ferocious critic, I join the multitude of fellow citizens applauding this outcome. But more examination is required.

Bollinger is a good candidate, an important detail. (She’s a former instructor at my wonderful alma mater, Cottonwood High School, an indicator of her qualities.) Had Bollinger been mediocre, a different result was possible.

Our culture has many historical legacies which make Utah a wonderful place. This includes antipathy toward bullying. Thus, the recent convention illustrated compassionate conservatives who wholly reject hate and vitriol from elected officials, especially when directed toward an innocent child.

Cline offered a tepid apology within the first moments of controversy. Then she doubled down on her opinions and blamed others for the backlash. Utahns will forgive a mistake if there is a sincere request and an attitude of contrition, which Cline never exuded.

It’s rare for me to compliment the actions of political party delegates, but I hereby do so.

Webb: Cline’s decisive defeat sends an important message that Utahns reject extremism, and especially harassment of innocent young people. It is actually the best end possible for this saga, with Cline being summarily dumped by Republican convention delegates — those who would be most expected to support her. She can’t claim the “elites” or the “establishment” took her down.

Former Salt Lake City Mayor Ted Wilson passed away on April 11. What lessons can we learn from his remarkable legacy?

Pignanelli: Many in my generation were learning of politics as Wilson was gaining prominence in City Hall. We grew up with Wilson as a mentor of how leadership is provided. Republicans, Democrats and independents enjoyed his friendly demeanor of never exhibiting personal animosity when expressing disagreement. In my early days on the speech stump, he would occasionally offer firm but needed advice that I still treasure. My condolences to the family with the hope that we preserve his legacy in actions and deeds.

Webb: Ted Wilson is absolutely one of my favorite people ever. He was a terrific politician — charming, handsome, genuine and a friend to all. He never let any of that go to his head, although he was kept appropriately humble by losing major races to Republicans.

Those with long memories might recall that Ted was actually an original founder of this column. We wrote it together starting in 2001 until he got too busy and Frank took over for him in 2004. He was a pleasure to work with. I also partnered with Ted and the Exoro Group in some political consulting work a number of years ago.

Despite being congenial and caring, Ted could be tough and decisive. I once saw him nearly take the head off a guy who, in the heat of a political disagreement, questioned his personal integrity. When I was working in the governor’s office, I was quoted saying disparaging things about the Southern Utah Wilderness Alliance, which I thought was sabotaging our public lands initiative. Ted, an ardent conservationist, was dispatched to set me straight and we had a very spirited discussion. And we emerged as friends.

Ted’s work inspiring thousands of young college students is perhaps his greatest and longest-lasting legacy.

Sen. Mike Lee conducted interviews with some Senate candidates, apparently to assess whether they are worthy of support. Would Lee’s endorsement, or that of any high-profile Republican, help a contender in the upcoming state convention?

Pignanelli: Endorsements can matter during the convention cycle. Celeste Maloy garnered the support of fellow candidates (Jordan Hess), local rural leaders and her predecessor (Chris Stewart), which delivered the convention. Marlo Oaks played a significant role helping John Curtis during his last congressional run. Conversely, withholding endorsements can also define relationships (i.e. Mitt Romney not endorsing Lee two years ago).

Politicos will be watching the equivalent drama of a junior high school cafeteria play at the state convention to learn who can sit at the popular table.

Webb: A number of Senate candidates do seem to be auditioning for Lee’s favor. He has been popular among state convention delegates in the past, so his endorsement could be helpful. But it wouldn’t be smart for Lee to endorse. There are so many solid conservatives dividing the delegate vote that he may not be able to play kingmaker. Also, enough candidates have successfully gathered signatures that the convention won’t determine who appears on the primary election ballot.

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What to expect at Utah’s political conventions

The contests for U.S. Senate and Congress are dominating political discussions in Utah. But in two weeks, April 27, delegates at Republican and Democratic conventions will also partly determine the fate of candidates for other statewide offices and multicounty legislative districts. These are interesting races, despite not being in the spotlight.

“The big secret to winning elections is to get more votes than your opponent.” — Jesse Helms

Here are races and things to watch:

Convention dynamics: Regardless of the office, a convention environment has unique pressures and demands, which require smart strategy. Momentum can shift quickly in a convention. Almost as important as the competency and attractiveness of candidates are such things as having a plan to keep supporters in their seats for the duration of the event.

If multiple rounds of voting are required in a cramped, chaotic convention hall on a nice spring Saturday afternoon, some delegates just bag it and head for home. This will be especially important for multiple-candidate races like U.S. Senate, 3rd Congressional District, governor and some legislative contests.

Another dynamic is that many candidates are still collecting signatures for primary ballot placement, hoping to beat the approaching deadline. If they succeed, the convention is a formality, although still important for bragging rights. If they don’t obtain enough signatures, the convention becomes “win or go home.”

Governor’s race: At the GOP convention, Gov. Spencer Cox (who is already qualified for the primary ballot via signatures) will face retiring Rep. Phil Lyman, former Republican Chair Carson Jorgensen, activist Sylvia Miera-Fisk, and veteran Scott Robbins. This race is essentially defined as incumbent Cox versus his detractors on the party’s extreme right wing. Politicos will be watching the percentage of delegate votes that Cox wins. He could eliminate all opponents at the convention. Or, delegates could elevate one or two contenders, setting up a primary contest on June 25. Further, the Trump influence will be interesting as Jorgensen and Lyman are especially aligned with the former president. The convention outcome juxtaposed with the primary election results could confirm arguments that delegates are out of touch with mainstream Republicans.

Attorney general’s race: The contest to replace Attorney General Sean Reyes featuring Derek Brown (who will also likely have enough signatures for the primary ballot), Rachel Terry, Frank Mylar and Trent Christensen will also be illustrative of party dynamics. Brown is the true establishment candidate, having worked in the offices of Orrin Hatch and Sen. Mike Lee, in high-profile law firms, and as chair of the state Republican Party. As the presumptive strongest candidate, he is being targeted by his opponents. Terry has long-time experience in state and local government legal and administrative activities. Christensen is enjoying some support among far-right activists but, as of this writing, was still not licensed to practice law in Utah (a requirement in the state constitution).

Democrats Rudy Bautista and David Carlson also filed for attorney general, and their state convention will determine if a primary election is needed.

State Senate races: Candidates in multicounty legislative districts are vetted at the state conventions. With the retirement of Sen. Curt Bramble, the predominantly Provo seat (Utah, Wasatch Counties) is wide open. Former Senate Majority Whip Dan Hemmert has qualified for the primary ballot, but how he fares against Rep. Keven Stratton and former Rep. Brad Daw will be closely watched. Will Bramble endorse?

Sen. Jake Anderegg resigned last year from his seat (Utah, Salt Lake counties) and was replaced by Heidi Balderree in a special election. She now faces Emily Lockhart, daughter of beloved former House Speaker Becky Lockhart, and businessman Garrett Cammans. Lockhart and Cammans have qualified for the primary ballot. Can Balderree hold the affection of delegates to survive for a primary?

Well known for humorous and witty commentary on social media, Sen. Todd Weiler (Davis, Salt Lake) is challenged by privacy activist Ron Mortensen and Brady Tracy. As chair of the Judiciary Committee, Weiler has been influential in the states’ judicial operations.

State House races: House Speaker Mike Schultz (also qualified for primary) is challenged by Hooper Mayor Korry Green. Schultz is favored, but it’s always interesting for observers when a popular speaker has a convention opponent.

Democratic Rep. Brian King is retiring from his House seat (Salt Lake, Summit) to pursue the governorship. Both Democratic candidates, Hoang Nguyen and Jeff Howell, have qualified for the primary ballot. But how delegates cast their preference at their state convention district caucus will be keenly observed. Howell is the son of former Senate Minority Leader Scott Howell and Nguyen is a prominent businesswoman. Both have accumulated impressive endorsements from the left-of-center community.

Curt Bramble note: As mentioned above, Bramble is retiring from the Legislature after 24 years of service. Few legislators in state history have had as much impact on diverse issues as this hard-driving Provo accountant. Bramble possesses keen intelligence and an incredible memory. He relished tackling tough issues by gathering all the stakeholders to find common ground. His vibrant presence will be missed.

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Utah campaigns are sprinting toward conventions and primaries

Here’s what might happen in important races

By Frank Pignanelli & LaVarr Webb

In about three weeks, local Republicans and Democrats will hold their state conventions to nominate federal and statewide candidates for the June 25 primary election. Of course, this has political tongues wagging. We impart what we are hearing regarding the U.S. Senate and congressional races.

The GOP contest to replace retiring Sen. Mitt Romney is becoming heated, as predicted. National political action committees and high-profile conservatives are promoting their favorites, while candidates are crisscrossing the state appealing to GOP activists and voters. Republican convention delegates will choose among Congressman John Curtis, former Utah House Speaker Brad Wilson, attorney Brent Hatch, Riverton Mayor Trent Staggs, businessmen Jason Walton and Chandler Tanner, communications consultant Carolyn Phippen, accountant Josh Randall, and others. Democrats will select from environmental activist Caroline Gleich, equipment operator Archie Williams and biologist Laird Fetzer Hamblin. There has not been a public poll since January, so is there any “conventional wisdom” about this contest?

Pignanelli: “So two cheers for democracy: one because it admits variety and two because it permits criticism.” — E. M. Forster. I am always amused when activists from both parties declare democracy is on the verge of extinction. The vigorous contesting in this election season again documents our republic is strong.

urtis, Wilson and Walton will likely be on the June 25 primary ballot through signatures (the other “declared” candidates have not submitted anything to date). This week, Curtis still leads the pack of contenders. But will his other competitors top the list from convention delegates? Staggs is benefiting from the endorsements provided by famous acolytes of former President Donald Trump. Hatch surprised everyone with a strong showing in the polls, and the recent infusion of resources from conservative PACs is impressing activists.

Trump’s victory in the presidential preference poll suggests a strong right tilt among delegates, which favors a Staggs and/or Hatch (or another ultra conservative) for a nod to the primary ballot.

The energetic, charismatic Gleich seems to enjoy the momentum among Democrats and may possibly avoid a primary.

Despite the gloomy warnings, democracy is very much alive.

Webb: With so many solid, credible candidates, the GOP Senate nomination race is very difficult to predict. Each candidate is seeking a “lane” to a primary election win. It’s likely two candidates will emerge from the state convention and will claim the party’s imprimatur. However, the convention favorite has often lost in the primary election when all Republicans get to vote, not just delegates.

A number of candidates will gather signatures to get on the ballot, so primary voters will have a number of choices. It’s entirely possible the primary victor will not win a majority of votes.

Curtis, as an incumbent congressman, is the best known candidate and is strong among mainstream Republicans. Hatch, the son of former Sen. Orrin Hatch, has ready-made name ID. Staggs is clearly trying to define himself as the “ultra-MAGA” Trumpian candidate with endorsements from an assortment of far-right politicians, some of whom are election deniers and obstructionists.

Wilson got a head start, has raised a lot of money, has solid endorsements and has been hitting the airwaves. Outside PACs are weighing in with TV spots.

It will really come down to hard work and smart strategy. The candidate who has the best ground game, who personally contacts the most voters, who has a superior get-out-the-vote effort, will win. An upset is certainly possible.

The 3rd Congressional District vacancy left by Curtis’ departure has prompted another heated battle. State Sen. Mike Kennedy, State Auditor John Dougall, businessman Case Lawrence, attorney Stewart Peay, veteran Lucky Bovo, Vernal Mayor JR Bird and party activist Kathryn Dahlin will be vying for delegate support. What is the scuttlebutt on this one?

Pignanelli: Lawrence has qualified for the primary through signatures, as may Dougall and Bird. Kennedy won the convention in the 2018 senate contest and could repeat this achievement six years later. Dougall is popular with delegates and could also receive the nod. This creates a tight avenue for the other candidates, but anything is possible.

Webb: With a “frugal” reputation, and having already won statewide office, Dougall has to be considered the favorite. But a number of attractive candidates are in the race. Who’s gonna work the hardest?

Will Utah’s remaining congressional incumbents (Blake Moore, Celeste Maloy, Burgess Owens) face strong challenges in the convention?

Pignanelli: Moore has qualified for the primary ballot through signatures. Will delegates acknowledge his growing prominence in Congress and not push him into a primary? Owens does not have a Republican opponent this year. Maloy is fresh from her special election victory in November but is wisely not discounting a challenge from military veteran and inspirational speaker Colby Jenkins.

Webb: Despite some interesting races, all three incumbents should be OK if they work extremely hard and don’t take anything for granted.

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Do Utah lawmakers pass too many bills?

In Utah, 104 part-time Utah legislators, with less than 100 staff, pass an average of 500 bills in 45 days

By Frank Pignanelli & LaVarr Webb

The 2024 legislative session adjourned a month ago. But the results and even the process continue to be scrutinized and debated. This is another indication of the tremendous impact our part-time lawmakers have on government, politics and our culture. So, we can’t resist commenting.

An enduring criticism of the Utah legislative process is the rising amount of legislation considered each year. Gov. Spencer Cox, in a letter accompanying notice of his seven vetoes, expressed concern about the record number of bills passed this year (591, plus many resolutions). Cox said some of the legislation, including the items he rejected, could have been handled through simpler means — sometimes by just sending an email or making a phone call to the executive branch. This is not a new concern, as there has been a 60% increase in bills passed in the last 20 years. Is this a real problem that threatens quality of our lawmaking process?

Pignanelli: The world is not going to be saved by legislation.” — William Howard Taft

Political observations can be a kaleidoscope — a small twist and a different outlook appears. The U.S. Congress employs thousands to help 535 full-time lawmakers pass a yearly average of 300 bills (only 42 in 2023). 104 part-time Utah legislators, with less than 100 staff, pass an average of 500 bills in 45 days. Indeed, while deliberating a thousand legislative proposals, lawmakers handle tough issues with public input and balance the budget. The national legislature is appropriately criticized as dysfunctional while our local solons are amazingly efficient.

Yet, increasing legislative loads will eventually cause less deliberation. The solution is unclear. Limiting bill files will not reduce policy concerns. Legislators will just combine issues into giant omnibus bills (like Congress), thereby creating complexity for citizens. This also constrains the voice of constituents.

Decades ago, this newspaper conducted an annual analysis of legislators’ effectiveness based upon bill passage percentages. Opponents often utilized low rankings in campaigns against incumbents. This was an active external pressure.

The best answer is legislative leadership encouraging caucuses to prioritize what is important and urgent. Many concerns are often resolved over time and (as the governor observed) usually with a phone call. Only a slight kaleidoscope twist is needed.

Webb: Big picture, Utah’s Legislature does a great job. We need to remember that many bills are minor technical corrections. Some bills repeal old laws. The important bills usually receive plenty of scrutiny. Utah’s 104 lawmakers each receive many requests to sponsor bills and be responsive to constituents.

This is not yet a big problem. The Utah legislative process is 1,000 times more effective than what happens in the federal Congress. In Washington, many of the lengthiest (thousands of pages) and most important bills, including budget bills, are held back with only a handful of people working on them, and then hit the floor and must be passed very quickly. That’s a terrible way to make laws impacting the entire country.

In Utah, all legislators serve on an appropriations subcommittee. All budgets are scrutinized and considered over several weeks. Budgets are balanced. Debt is very low.

Congress has many failures. But perhaps the biggest one is that, while it doesn’t pass many laws itself, it allows presidential executive orders and federal agencies to, in effect, make thousands of laws that impact our daily lives. Congress didn’t pass bills shutting down coal plants or eliminating gas-powered vehicles over the next several years. But the president and his federal agencies are doing those things in the absence of congressional oversight and action. Congress may not get anything done, but unelected bureaucrats in federal agencies are very, very busy!

Thankfully, Utah’s Legislature effectively keep watch over state agency regulatory authority.

Which leads me to my usual conclusion: We desperately need more of the government decisions that impact our lives to be made at state and local levels instead of at the badly broken federal level.

As our state continues to grow and thrive, does the current structure of a part-time legislature, with a constitutionally-mandated 45-day session, need to be adjusted?

Pignanelli: A part time status keeps lawmakers connected to their constituents and in-tune with state needs. But interim committee hearings should be revamped to further help with the massive load on the General Session.

Webb: We should never lose our lay Legislature. Forty-five days is very short, but it’s working well for now.

The Utah Legislature is consistently criticized by right- and left-wing special interest groups, the media, average citizens and others. Are the multitude of complaints justified or are lawmakers just a misunderstood lot?

Pignanelli: All 104 lawmakers serve for the right reason — they care about their communities. Bills that garner negative attention are often defeated or significantly amended. The state is succeeding because of longtime commitment by legislators to competent governance. Many commentators often ignore these elements.

Webb: In every session, any sentient person can find something to disagree with — me included. Even legislators themselves don’t like all the legislative results. That’s the way a representative democracy works. Utah’s Legislature is unapologetically conservative. Speaking as a mainstream Utah conservative myself, that’s good.

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Flawed or not, Biden or Trump almost certain to be next president

For the first time since 1892, we have major party presidential candidates who both served as president prior to the election


Readers can expect to be inundated by the media over the next eight months with some version of the following: “For the first time since 1892, we have major party presidential candidates who both served as president prior to the election.” So we are getting a head start with what this means for Utah politics.

A national Deseret News/HarrisX poll revealed that 38% of Republican voters believe Donald Trump reflects their moral values “a great deal” and 41% said “some extent.” It was almost a mirror image for Democratic voters and their opinion of Joe Biden reflecting their values (43%/41%). What do Utahns think?

Pignanelli: “People see Trump draining the swamp, bucking the system. That is what is winning voters.” — Yemi Arunsi, Davis County Republican Party, Hinckley Report

Voting for president this year will be a hard swallow for most Utahns, regardless of political affiliation. We maintain a deep commitment to personal ethics and character. We expect it of ourselves and especially elected officials. This is a substantial reason Trump performed the lowest in Utah among the Super Tuesday states. Biden — no citadel of virtue — would have faced similar challenges if actual competition existed.

We all have that zany friend or relative who says what they are thinking, even when not socially appropriate. While publicly horrified, we may agree with some outbursts and enjoy unfiltered honesty. This explains the poll results.

In polite conversations, many express concerns with Trump’s statements. But in an anonymous survey, Republicans struggle to deny his bold stances — tough on China, building the wall, “draining the swamp,” etc. Biden supporters might be embarrassed by his plentiful gaffes yet appreciate stands on student loan debt and social causes.

With these presumptive nominees, Republicans and Democrats are overlooking (while gulping) character flaws of their candidate to achieve desired policy outcomes.

Webb: My own moral and political values, and many of my public policy priorities, are generally not reflected in either Biden or Trump. I’ve basically given up on this presidential race and on the federal government, overall, to solve America’s most pressing problems.

Political stalemate is going to continue and, worse, big government is going to get bigger under either president; federal deficit spending is going to expand; the serious risk to Social Security, Medicaid, Medicare and federal highway funding, among other things, will grow over the next decade as the federal debt bomb nears the point of explosion.

Skyrocketing federal debt is identified by many of the nation’s best policy analysts as the country’s greatest threat. Neither Biden nor Trump show any inclination to deal with it.

Therefore, as Utah policymakers attempt to ensure that future generations enjoy stability, progress and great quality of life, they must plan for the day when a broke and broken federal government cannot pay its bills and investors refuse to buy its debt. Among the first expenses to be cut will be federal money passed through to the states.

Utah is good at planning ahead. But Utah leaders cannot say they are prepared for the future until the state has a real plan to deal with a federal government that, in the next several years, will renege on many of its current commitments.

I have long been a proponent of balanced federalism. Federal bankruptcy is going to force a painful rebalancing in the federal system. Let’s get ready for it.

The same poll also showed that 63% of voters “have doubts about Biden’s mental fitness,” while 51% share the same doubts about Trump. Utah has one of the lowest rates of dementia in the country, so how does this concern impact local deliberations?

Pignanelli: Utah’s leaders reflect the youngest state in the nation (median age of 30.7). Gov. Spencer Cox is 48, Congressman Blake Moore is 43, first-term Speaker Mike Schultz is 48. Utah voters favor those less long in the tooth. Sen. Mitt Romney mirrored what most Utahns are thinking when he encouraged Biden and Trump to step aside and let the next generation lead. This emotion may cause small movements toward viable alternative presidential candidates.

Webb: Whether lucid or confused, Biden wants bigger government, more spending and higher taxes. Trump is too tempestuous and undisciplined for anyone to predict the nature of his presidency — other than that, it will be chaotic.

Turnout for the 2024 GOP precinct caucuses was abysmally low. Some pundits are predicting problems for local Republicans as a result. Is this a valid conjecture?

Pignanelli: The caucus/convention system requires attendance on a weeknight and on Saturdays, but very few races are determined by the outcome. So, participation will continue to drop while primaries — elections of consequence in our deeply red state — will remain popular. Unless changes are made, the party structure but not candidates will suffer.

Webb: The Utah GOP will be just fine and will dominate Utah politics this year and into the future as long as the party and its policymakers are not captured by the extremes of the party.

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