Tough issues ahead in final week of Utah legislative session

Lawmakers are grappling with tax cuts, emergency powers and a host of other issues.

By Frank Pignanelli & LaVarr Webb

The Legislature will adjourn “sine die” in one week. Many of the major issues are now distilling toward resolution — or facing further study. (The technical phrase is “kicking the can down the road”). But Utahns can feel proud that lawmakers accomplished much during a pandemic and in uncertain economic times. We review a few major issues.

During the session, lawmakers wrestled with a number of policy decisions fostered by the pandemic. These include setting parameters of the emergency powers provided to the governor and local health departments. Is the Legislature jerking the governor’s chain, or is this no big deal?

Pignanelli: “Emergencies have always been the pretext on which the safeguards of individual liberty have been eroded.” – Friedrich Hayek

Regular maintenance on an automobile (i.e., tuneup, oil change) is absolutely necessary to prevent catastrophe. Similarly, the engine of state government needs frequent evaluation by lawmakers to ensure efficient driving. This is especially imperative in times of crisis.

A classic example occurred last year. Gov. Gary Herbert and Lt. Gov. Spencer Cox assembled impressive individuals to develop an amazing blueprint in response to health care and societal demands during this difficult time. But economic harm was transpiring. The Legislature created the Public Health and Economic Emergency Commission, which utilized the business acumen of lawmakers to insure a well-balanced plan of recovery. The result is the best economy in the country.

The legislation pushed by Sen. Evan Vickers allows flexibility for state and county health officials the first 30 days of a crisis. But beyond that, a structure is in place to ensure appropriate safeguards on overreaching authority. The pandemic taught us a successful outcome depends upon heavy reliance on health officials, along with strong engagement by executive and legislative elected officials.

As with drivers and their cars, citizens rely on the evaluation by experts as to needed repairs in government.

Webb: This was supposed to be a hot issue sparking a big executive/legislative battle. But it fizzled amid a flurry of negotiation and compromise. Don’t you just hate it when two branches of government actually get together and work out differences?

Now the Legislature ought to follow its own example on another burning issue and negotiate a mutually acceptable agreement with Count My Vote/SB54 supporters. A current bill, SB205, would gut SB54, which opened up the candidate selection process to all voters. SB205 would allow political parties to give total control of who gets on the primary ballot to a relatively few convention delegates, excluding hundreds of thousands of voters.

This issue promises to be far more divisive and destructive than the fight over emergency powers. SB205 sends a message that mainstream Republicans aren’t welcome in the party. It will dry up party fundraising from prominent Republicans and community leaders. It might also spark a new multimillion-dollar ballot initiative campaign that would impose a direct primary election and eliminate the caucus/convention system as a means to nominate candidates.

It’s not too late to negotiate and compromise.

Last week, with final revenue projections tallied, lawmakers revealed what was expected: A budget surplus of over $1.5 billion. There’s also talk of bonding for infrastructure. What’s likely to happen in the final week?

Pignanelli: Yes, there’s a huge surplus, but not a windfall. Much was created by eliminating additional appropriations approved in 2020 and cutting the base budget. So just backfilling program deficits created a year ago removes a substantial chunk of this awkwardly titled resource. Demands of education and Medicaid expansion are increasing and will be the focus of additional resources.

There is a strong push to bond for capital projects, to keep the economy humming. Some lawmakers are nervous about the crunch of debt and other obligations in a potential future downturn. Critical items easily funded with one-time dollars are likely beneficiaries while on going activities will receive closer scrutiny.

Webb: Infrastructure is a safe and effective way to spend surplus revenue that may not continue in the future. Infrastructure spending invests in the future, boosting Utah’s economy and generating future tax revenue. If hard times arrive, it’s much easier to cut back infrastructure spending than money spent in other departments boosting program budgets and hiring people. Utah’s debt burden is modest and bonds are quickly retired. The state’s overall financial standing is a reflection of solid, frugal management and a strong economy.

Lawmakers will apparently grant a tax cut. Is it meaningful, or just a token gesture?

Pignanelli: Utah may be the only state to provide some relief — a significant compliment. Further, these tax cuts are focused on certain demographic groups that have a greater need, rather than some small general reduction.

Webb: With economic uncertainty ahead, this was not the year for a broad tax cut. But with a large surplus, a relatively small tax cut targeted to help families, military retirees and low-income elderly, is appropriate.

Romney, Trump and the future of the GOP

Sen. Mitt Romney was one of seven Republicans to vote for Trump’s conviction. Will the GOP of the future follow his lead, or stay loyal to Trump?

By Frank Pignanelli & LaVarr Webb, Contributors

While citizens were appropriately focused on vaccinations, rebuilding the economy and repairing the education system, the U.S. Senate was busy with the second impeachment trial of former President Donald J. Trump. Much has already been written about the political impact of this historic event and the future of the Republican Party post-Trump. But we can’t help but pile on.

Sen. Mike Lee was among 43 colleagues who acquitted Trump, while Sen. Mitt Romney was one of seven Republicans who voted to convict. Will national and Utah Republicans punish Romney for his vote?

Pignanelli: “The Liz Cheney vote tells you what Republicans really think.” — Chris Christie

Jenga is a popular game wherein players compete in removing wooden blocks from a tower until it ultimately collapses. Most of the animosity toward Romney was constructed by his antagonistic relationship with Trump. Like a Jenga tower, over time this will disintegrate.

Polls indicate a majority of Republicans support President Trump. But recent developments reveal GOP leaders are distancing from him. Congresswoman Cheney was overwhelmingly affirmed in a leadership position despite her impeachment vote. The nation’s most powerful Republican, Senate Minority Leader Mitch McConnell, publicly excoriated Trump and held him responsible for the events of Jan. 6. McConnell sent a clear message that actions against Trump should not cease and gave Romney a pass.

Romney will likely confront a 2024 convention battle as he did in 2018. But over the next four years, he can demonstrate his conservative bona fides when pushing back against a Democratic administration.

The Jenga tower built on Trump’s hostility to Romney is slowly losing blocks and will eventually fall.

Webb: The Utah Republican Party wisely issued a statement invoking Ronald Reagan’s “big tent” aspiration for the party. The statement seeks to avoid an intra-party fight by saying, “disagreement is natural and healthy,” and it’s OK for Republicans to “showcase a diversity of thought.”

So Romney won’t be formally censured by the party, but a lot of Utah Republicans are disappointed in his continued antipathy toward Trump (except when he was a candidate for secretary of state). If Romney seeks reelection in 2024 he will almost certainly face a strong GOP opponent.

As I’ve written previously, I have little sympathy for Trump, because he brought his problems on himself with his narcissism. But I feel bad for his followers, and I feel bad for the policy setbacks that are coming. The Biden administration is taking a hard lurch to the left, to the detriment of the country.

Romney, like most Democrats, will probably never understand Trump’s appeal to average, working-class, patriotic Republicans who feel left behind. These are heartland Americans who resent coastal and big-city elites labeling them domestic terrorists and considering them systemically racist. They feel vulnerable to Big Tech canceling or censoring them. They fear losing jobs if they say something politically incorrect. They believe their conservative family values and moral principles are under attack. Identity and victimhood politics repel them. They really do cling to their guns and religion. And there are a lot more of these folks than the elitists recognize.

Will the Republican Party break into pro-Trump and establishment factions that are hostile to each other?

Pignanelli: Even a casual observer of the news would conclude a split within GOP ranks has existed since 2015. But many traditional Republicans remained quiet as Trump’s success isolated their concerns. Trumpistas possess the advantage of an ideology attached to a charismatic individual, whereas mainstream Republicans have not coalesced around a nationally recognized leader as of yet. But the disadvantage for Trumpistas is their mentor will soon be distracted by legal and financial pressures. The two opposing forces will be pitted against each other in 2022. Eventually there will be several candidates who can appeal to the Trump base but also excite the conventional, while organizing a coalition to compete against Vice President Kamala Harris.

Webb: I don’t see a problem for state and congressional races in Utah, but Republicans won’t win another presidential election until Trump Republicans and establishment Republicans can unite on a candidate. That won’t be easy.

Since Trump lost, neither the Biden administration or establishment Republicans have made any attempt to understand, or appeal to, heartland, working-class Republicans. In fact, the opposite is true. The Biden agenda of big government, higher taxes, social justice, environmental extremism, identity politics and cancel culture is their worst nightmare.

Establishment politicians live in an echo chamber where they watch network news, read The New York Times and The Washington Post, and receive positive feedback from Hollywood, big business and Big Tech. And they think that’s America. There’s a whole side of America out there that can’t relate to them and they can’t relate to it.

How long will Trump continue to be a factor in U.S. politics?

Pignanelli: It is rare for a former president to have extraordinary influence on a political party. (Exceptions include Andrew Jackson, Grover Cleveland, Theodore Roosevelt). History suggests that Trump’s dedicated base will decrease over time. But many of our beloved traditions were smashed in the last several years, and this may be a victim. Regardless, presidential contenders will have a Trump strategy in 2024.

Webb: It really is up to Trump. No one knows what role he will play. I very much want the party to move beyond Trump. But the party must better understand his followers and bring them along.

Can the Grand Old Party survive its current woes?

By Frank Pignanelli & LaVarr Webb

Amid Trump’s second impeachment trial and serious disagreement among its leaders, the Republican Party is in turmoil.

In the past several months, the national Republican Party has taken some punches. The party lost control of the U.S. Senate, Donald Trump lost the presidency and his second impeachment trial is underway. Wyoming Congresswoman Liz Cheney fended off challenges to her leadership position. A Georgia congresswoman who holds bizarre conspiracy theories was stripped of committee assignments. Longtime donors are reassessing commitments to GOP candidates who didn’t accept President Joe Biden’s victory. We assess the current status of the Grand Old Party.

What is the impact of all this turmoil on Utah Republicans?

Pignanelli: “Republicans found Biden more progressive than they thought he would be, but we’re too busy killing each other to really focus on that.” — Sarah Chamberlain, president of Republican Main Street Partnership

In the past six decades, the GOP was declared dead or mortally wounded by experts in at least three periods of political tumult — 1964, 1974 and 2008. Yet, within a few years the party rebounded to claim the presidency and/or houses of Congress and numerous state offices. These prophets of doom were wrong then, as they are now.

All the rancor occurring within the GOP is needed strife. Throughout American history, both parties have been affected with strange and destructive elements (e.g. McCarthyism, segregationists, etc.), which fostered internal bloodletting and eventual adjustments. Currently, national politicians are attempting the dangerous dance of appeasing extremists and more traditional conservatives.

Utahns are a practical pragmatic people who do not tolerate fringe elements of either side of the political spectrum in public office. Our state has cultivated a well-deserved prestige for excellent management and refined politics. Voters quietly but efficiently dispatch officials who risk embarrassment to this reputation. Extreme elements in either party may detest such maturity, but that is where the electorate exists (thank goodness). Our representatives in Washington, D.C., who understand this dynamic will flourish.

As in other troubled episodes of America’s political history, Utah officials will provide adult supervision.

Webb: Republicans need to do a couple of things. One is to move on from the Trump era — but do it very gently. I say gently because Trump Republicans and traditional Republicans must reunite or forget about winning another presidential election. All conservatives should celebrate the remarkable economic, trade, regulatory, foreign policy, religious freedom, cultural values and judicial appointment accomplishments of Trump, while remembering his character and personality flaws as instructive lessons.

Trump had great courage to stand up to the elitists and arch-liberals and enact policies that produced the best economy in history for people of color and blue-collar workers. But he is no longer president, so it’s time to move on.

Second, Republicans need to sit back and watch and enjoy as progressives run wild. They will greatly overreach, abandon family values, and make government bigger and more expensive. They will sneer at heartland Americans as bigots and domestic terrorists who must be censored, canceled and deprogrammed. They will vastly overrate a mandate they don’t have, and vastly underestimate the number of mainstream Americans who do not agree with their left-wing agenda.

Specific advice to Utah Congressman Burgess Owens: It’s great to hold strong conservative views, to fight for family values and oppose the Democrats’ lurch to the left. But you must avoid tilting into conspiracy theories and far-right absurdities or you will be a one-term congressman.

Are the national controversies impacting Utah legislators’ deliberations during the current session?

Pignanelli: It is my experience that lawmakers are self-contained for 45 days during the session, impervious to most activities on a national level, unless the commotion is impossible to ignore. Other than trying to predict federal funds, nothing in Washington, D.C., is of use to legislators as they wrestle with budgetary, education, economic and social issues.

Webb: Utah is not an island and is not immune from national politics or economic trends. But the governance contrast between the two levels is simply remarkable. In Utah we solve our problems, we balance our budgets and we take care of citizen needs. Utahns should thank the nation’s founders every day for establishing a federalist system giving states primacy over day-to-day government functions. Unfortunately, much state authority has been usurped by the federal government and a rebalancing is badly needed.

Are the Democrats poised for a similar civil war at some point in the near future?

Pignanelli: The battle between the left and moderates was a subdued violence, lasting for years. The coup d’état by progressives quietly prevailed in the past decade. Thus, socialist Bernie Sanders was able to assume control over major portions of a political party for which he was never registered. While there are still scattered voices of a mainstream policy, there is no recognized leader of such. Another struggle may occur in the near future, depending upon the Republicans’ messaging and performance in the next election.

Webb: The Democratic left should have been chastened by Barack Obama’s 1,000-seat loss (congressional, gubernatorial and legislative) during his presidency and by the election of Trump. But they are so blinded by progressive dogma that they will continue their inexorable march to the left.

Utah lawmakers show how to legislate effectively amid a pandemic

By Frank Pignanelli & LaVarr Webb

The Legislature just completed its third week in session. The COVID-19 crisis is impacting the lawmaking process, like every other institution in society. We provide our perspectives.

How is the pandemic impacting lawmakers’ deliberations and the ability of the public to observe them?

Pignanelli: “COVID has acted like a time machine: It brought 2030 to 2020.” — Loren Padelford, vice president of Shopify

As a lawmaker during the 1996 legislative session, I labored with my colleagues to generate initial steps to digitize legislation and other documents. Exhibiting dinosaur tendencies, I did not own a computer at the time and was blissfully unaware of benefits to such newfangled ventures.

Soon, the Legislature developed an award-winning website that exponentially expanded public observation into their deliberations for more than two decades. But to have an impact, lobbyists and the public still interacted on a personal basis. Any thoughts about virtual attendance were the dreams of science fiction. That future has arrived.

The Legislature has more than fulfilled its commitment to providing public access to deliberations, whether in a safe environment at the Capitol or through electronic means, during this pandemic. Most lawmakers are accommodating discussions with constituents, lobbyists and the media. Of extreme importance, legislators can participate — and residents can testify — in a committee hearing without leaving their home. Such contributions are actually encouraged. Many lawmakers published emails, newsletters and YouTube videos explaining how constituents can observe and share their opinions.

However, these hybrid procedures are not stress free and can be difficult for legislators, lobbyists and activists. But the pain is shared equally, soothed with a genuine effort to make the process work.

The benefits of virtual lawmaking are slowly maturing. Consequently, dinosaurs like me are adapting — to avoid extinction.

Webb: Thankfully, I’m only monitoring a few legislative issues this year as they are debated in committees and on the floors of the House and Senate. I’m doing it all remotely from my farm as I watch wild turkeys in my yard, the toms strutting around and fanning their tail feathers to impress the hens.

I believe legislative leaders have done a great job opening legislative proceedings to interested Utahns across the state. Remote access is not perfect, but it’s really quite good. Post-pandemic, those who want to be at the Capitol in person will be able to do so, while many others will engage from home or office.

In the meantime, I get to compare strutting lawmakers to strutting turkeys.

In addition to the needed activities to directly respond to COVID-19, how has the pandemic changed the focus of legislative priorities?

Pignanelli: Telehealth — electronic conversations between patients and medical providers — was once an intriguing but minor activity. The pandemic instigated a blossoming of this health care delivery component. The Legislature is now wrestling with issues including consumer protection and payment as this activity will be a permanent fixture. The amplified use of technology is prompting multiple deliberations regarding privacy, content censuring, safeguarding privacy, etc. Overseeing public and higher education is happening through a different prism. A reexamination of how government communicates and interacts with citizens is occurring.

Webb: The biggest priority is to defeat the virus without destroying the economy and reducing individual freedom. On the latter point, legislators will likely attempt to rein in the executive branch’s use of emergency powers. That may provide some drama. Gov. Spencer Cox has already hinted at vetoes if lawmakers try to curtail executive branch authority.

A second big priority is to take advantage of what we’ve learned from being forced to work remotely and do almost everything online. If lawmakers help enable and institutionalize telehealth, telework, telelearning and remote access to government services, we can reduce highway congestion and pollution, save money on commuting, reduce office costs, revitalize rural economies and address the housing crisis with more people able to live in rural communities where homes are less expensive. Never let a crisis go to waste.

Pignanelli: A GOP supermajority guarantees passage of their priorities. Democrats are not shy in articulating their issues. But respect and the occasional joint effort is the absolute norm between the parties. Congress could learn much from our local leaders.

Webb: Utah politics is dominated and dictated by Republicans, but it’s mostly a benevolent dictatorship. Democrats sponsor important legislation; their bills get fair hearings and debate; they work with Republicans on a lot of key issues. So far, even the highly partisan issue of redistricting is seeing bipartisanship.

By contrast, President Joe Biden’s much-praised call for unity has fizzled like a popped balloon. His 40-plus executive orders that bypass Congress (including some that directly impact Utah) are anything but unifying. He listened politely to 10 Republicans who suggested a compromise on budget-busting pandemic relief, but don’t expect any meaningful concessions.

Division and uber-partisanship is even worse in Congress, which is almost irretrievably broken. Congress will never reform itself. It needs intervention and disruption by the states — a return to balanced federalism — to fix America’s governance crisis.

Can’t we all be unified? No, but perhaps we could compromise

The word ‘unity’ is being emphasized by leaders on all sides. How do we get there?

By Frank Pignanelli & LaVarr Webb

Probably not since the Civil War have the themes “divisiveness” and “need for unity” been mentioned so often by Americans of both parties. President Joseph Biden, in his inaugural address, Gov. Spencer Cox, in his State of the State, and many other politicians have begged for unity and less divisiveness. We assess the prospects for peace and love in our state and nation.

The U.S. House of Representatives is almost evenly divided. The Senate is split 50-50, with the vice president poised to break tie votes. Senators from both parties have struggled just to develop a basic operating agreement. How does divided government impact Utah’s congressional delegation?

Pignanelli: “In a divided government, you can’t just say, ‘It’s my way or the highway.’” — Jeb Bush

Asking Americans not to engage in a political argument is akin to demanding Italians forsake wine and pasta — an impossible endeavor. (Of course, my ethnic ancestors pioneered animated dissension).

The silver lining of such equally divided bodies is that little good happens without compromise. Passing legislation along party lines is difficult because members that represent swing districts will often stray. Therefore, coalitions are required and better policies result. For example, had Democrats been forced to coordinate with Republicans in 2009-10 a broadly acceptable version of Obamacare would have transpired.

Normally, a Republican congressional delegation would be in the political wilderness of a federal government controlled by Democrats. But “Utah realpolitik” is a real possibility. Sen. Mitt Romney is a deal-maker respected on both sides. Congressman John Curtis established his bona fides on controversial environmental issues. Impeaching a former president is a stretch for many. Sen. Mike Lee’s constitutional prowess could be instrumental in developing a resolution that satisfies both sides.

The “Utah Way” of practicality and common sense offers hope on key issues. But the arguments will not stop — just ask my Italian relatives.

Webb: As I’ve written previously, I think calls for unity are silly. We can find some unity on broad values (like violence is wrong and we should all love our country), but we’ll never find unity on the tough political issues of the day. For too many politicians, unity means, “You surrender to me.”

Instead of unity, we should be calling for compromise, deal-making and meeting halfway. Biden mentioned unity dozens of times in his big speech, but never once mentioned compromise. A closely divided government could still solve some big problems if both sides would actually give a little.

Any sense of unity and willingness to compromise is already being severely tested between Utah’s delegation and the Biden administration. Biden’s temporary suspension of new oil and gas leasing on federal land (that means two-thirds of Utah), and his executive order to review Bears Ears and Grand Staircase-Escalante national monument boundaries could mean a war against Utah, or it could mean an opportunity to negotiate and compromise.

We’ll soon find out if the Biden administration is willing to work with Utah leaders and find solutions both sides can support — or if it will shove us aside and do as it pleases. There will be many more opportunities for compromise — or cutthroat conflict.

Gov. Cox told legislators he will likely veto more bills than his predecessor but wants to remain friends. Is he laying down the gauntlet or just warning legislators of a different approach?

Pignanelli: Cox and Lt. Gov. Deidre Henderson are former lawmakers and understand the political dynamics between the branches. They know the occasional rejection of legislation boosts gubernatorial potency. Also, the intended audience for this message was not just lawmakers but the media and public. He is reminding us a veto is not a breakdown of government but rather a natural, and needed, course of affairs. In other words, don’t freak out when he vetoes something.

Webb: Watch for some battles over emergency powers of the executive branch. Each side has strong feelings, but the fight will be tame compared to the nasty, personal battles in Washington, D.C. Some tension between the branches is expected and healthy, and the disagreements won’t prevent collaborative efforts at solving Utah’s problems.

Do Utahns care about the clashes between federal and state officials?

Pignanelli: There is a vast difference between consensus, unity of purpose, and divisiveness. Utahns want officials working together to solve the big problems (i.e. pandemic, economic downturns, defending the country against the terrorists, etc.). While polls reveal a disturbing trend toward acrimony, the real concern is the heat of the rhetoric, not the existence of differences in opinions. No one expects or wants a consensus on all the issues. Democracy needs the give-and-take.

Webb: A healthy federal system means states will, and should, push back against an encroaching federal government. The problem is that states have mostly surrendered to federal coercion and bribery, despite most states being better managed and more in touch with the needs of their citizens. We don’t want revolt and anarchy, but states need some reasonable tools to stand up for their rights. Compromise and better governance would result.

Observations and advice as Utah lawmakers convene amid dark clouds

The Utah Legislature convenes Tuesday amidst difficulties both here and in Washington.

By Frank Pignanelli & LaVarr Webb

The Utah Legislature convenes next Tuesday under some dark clouds: Turmoil in the nation’s capital, a raging pandemic and economic jitters. We try to forecast the chance of storm.

The Legislature is adjusting rules and protocols to prevent outbreaks of the coronavirus and reduce the threat of disruptive protests. This will impact public access and deliberations. Can the “peoples business” be done in this style?

Pignanelli: ”Be open to adjustments. There’s nothing about this current moment in history that allows for stubbornness.” — Unknown

The world record of balls juggled is 11, by a British 18-year-old. The Utah Legislature is about to attempt a similar feat.

For 45 days from Tuesday, the Legislature will pass a budget, prevent coronavirus outbreaks, review legislation, contain left- and right-wing protests, etc. — while admirably providing public access. For protection, visitors’ bags will be inspected and committee hearings restricted. To compensate, the legislative website will have enhanced interactive features.

An invigorating feature of a normal legislative session is the daily pandemonium in front of the House and Senate chambers. Lobbyists, activists and others congregate to argue and negotiate — a vital part of democracy. Such personal contact and gatherings are now prohibited.

The political community is quietly conjecturing what happens if there is an outbreak of the virus on Capitol Hill. Do they adjourn early or move to all virtual?

Because a substantial portion of legislative activities will be conducted on a virtual basis, the traditional commitment to transparency and adequate notice must be prioritized. This hybrid of personal and electronic access will be permanent; therefore, standards must be established this year.

Politics is central to the human condition and adapted to challenges for millennia. Our state officials are learning new juggling skills.

Webb: The Utah Legislature has done an outstanding job of using technology to provide access to legislative proceedings and to follow legislation. However, it is easy for lawmakers to become insulated without in-person interaction.

It’s fairly simple for the public to observe committee hearings virtually, but more difficult to provide meaningful input. Leaders are working hard to allow maximum public interaction. They should go out of their way to allow the public to ask questions, provide suggestions, and register their opinions — and do it all remotely. This will require more patience and perhaps longer meetings.

Members of Frank’s profession will find ways to interact with legislators on behalf of clients. The general public must have the same opportunities.

What are the major issues likely to be discussed and the politics surrounding them?

Pignanelli: As usual, the biggest issues will be budgetary. But the unusual feature is the concern by lawmakers that the revenue surplus may be the temporary bump of the federal stimulus. Education funding will undergo a new twist, a result from passage of the constitutional amendment expanding programs funded by income taxes. Other deliberations include the relationship between the governor and Legislature during emergencies, potential of a tax cut, reorganization of state agencies and funding of large projects. Also, there will be legislation establishing the legislative committee to realign legislative and congressional district boundaries.

Webb: Utah is extremely blessed to enjoy strong revenues and have a fat one-time money savings account. We can thank federal stimulus and lawmakers who were wise and frugal amid economic concerns when the pandemic hit. Bottom line: lawmakers have money to spend.

The priorities ought to be: First, conquer the pandemic by getting everyone vaccinated. Spend what is necessary. Second is education and workforce development funding, particularly teacher salaries. We have a lot of ground to make up in properly funding education.

Third, infrastructure spending to prepare for Utah’s rapid population growth. Good mobility is crucial for a strong economy. We can’t fall behind on highway and public transit expansion or we’ll never catch up. Bonding could be a part of the solution. Housing prices and shortages are another big growth challenge that must be addressed with the private sector taking the lead.

Fourth, saving money to deal with what is almost certain to be a rocky time ahead economically. This can be done by putting money in the bank. But even better is to utilize a “working rainy day fund” by putting money into one-time projects (especially infrastructure) that build the economy, with that money being available in future years for other uses.

Personally, I think the times are too uncertain to provide a tax cut, especially one nobody will even notice. Governors and legislators love to say they cut taxes, but what is being proposed is token, at best.

For the first time in many years, the overwhelmingly Republican Legislature will be dealing with a federal government completely controlled by Democrats. What happens?

Pignanelli: Congressional Democrats always breed multiple message bills from the Legislature. Further, there is growing frustration that Utah succeeded during the pandemic despite dysfunction in D.C. and other states. These emotions will foster actions by Gov. Cox and lawmakers through various national organizations and Utah’s delegation to repel perceived federal overreach.

Webb: Be frugal and prepare for the day when federal profligacy and monumental debt produce a federal implosion, forcing Utah to survive on its own without federal largesse.

Utah legislature will begin its general session virtually on January 19, 2021

Our office received notice that the Utah legislature will begin its general session virtually on January 19, 2021. Prior to today the Legislature had planned to go forward with an in-person session with certain strict protocols including social distancing and mandatory mask-wearing. It appears that only essential staff and legislators will be allowed to attend in person. Interns will also be working remotely. We have been preparing for this possibility and have taken steps to function at full-capacity in a virtual legislative session.

A little unsolicited advice for the new Utah administration

As ancient politicos, we generously offer tips to Spencer Cox, Deidre Henderson and the rest of the incoming administration.

By Frank Pignanelli & LaVarr Webb

Last Monday, Spencer Cox was sworn in as Utah’s 18th governor, with Deidre Henderson as lieutenant governor. Your columnists have interacted — at many different levels — with state chief executives for the past 40 years. As ancient politicos, we are generously offering unsolicited advice for the new team.

What pointers do these old-timers have for the new administration?

Pignanelli: “Political advice is a bit like your average Christmas fruitcake: something everyone gives and no one wants.” — Bob Dole

The inauguration of a new governor is always exciting as a harbinger of change and action for the state. Yet, political honeymoons end quickly. Thus, tried and tested rules of politics (a nice description of our ramblings) are invaluable.

First, understand the media and their role never to be a friend or cheerleader. They view themselves as a deliverer of news and a vital constitutionally protected check on government operations. Thus, necessary political maneuvers are often described in a negative tone. But fear of the press must not prevent the pursuit of objectives.

Many politicos incorrectly view political capital as a checking account that is drawn against to support projects. Rather, it is an investment account that usually increases in value through riskier initiatives. Undertaking huge endeavors will attract massive opposition but the payoffs can be huge. So, go big!

No one believes public statements from politicians dismissing polls, so don’t try. But remember they are only a snapshot in time, and results can be moved — in either direction. Avoid unfounded fears of temporary lower approval ratings to prevent freezing action.

Abraham Lincoln utilized a “team of rivals” approach which saved our republic. Past slights and minor offenses should be ignored as the instigators can be your greatest champions if embraced.

Finally, be patient with curmudgeons like us.

Webb: In his first week in office, Cox has shown he has “the vision thing” down pretty well, and he’s plenty adept at using symbols, anecdotes and effective communications with a large dose of social media. At age 45, Cox isn’t Utah’s youngest governor ever (about the same age as Jon Huntsman and a few years older than Mike Leavitt when they took office), but he does represent a new generation of leaders.

He’s called for unity and civility in an emotional inaugural speech, hired a very diverse and geographically dispersed Cabinet and staff, held a Day of Prayer and attended a half-dozen different church services, presented a “Freedom Fireside” (livestreamed on the Governor Cox YouTube Channel), pushed out dozens of press releases, images, video clips and social media posts, and raised $200,000 and 35,000 pounds of food for food pantries.

I’m not being critical about all this feel-good stuff. Symbols and effective communications are essential tools for governors. Cox’s likability and good PR are what got him elected. When I worked for Gov. Leavitt we had a rule that every important issue had to be symbolized, personalized and simplified to communicate effectively to citizens.

Substance, of course, has to follow. But I don’t think that will be a problem. The Cox team faces some very tough issues that will be divisive and unpopular. That will be the test.

So, my only piece of advice is to remember that winning in politics requires only 50% support, plus one. If you have 70 or 80% support, you’re probably not spending your political capital to get big, important things done that will benefit the state over the long term.

So, don’t waste your political capital on trivial things, but invest it wisely on issues that make a big difference. Use all of your charm, communications skills, social media, symbols, personalization and simplification to sell the top, tough priorities. If you get it done, but end up with 50% support, plus one, that’s a demonstration of real leadership.

What do the newly appointed cabinet members say about the new administration? Any advice to them?

Pignanelli: An organization assumes the personality of its leader. If the governor and lieutenant governor consistently exude innovation, transparency and vision then so will their cabinet and agencies. New blood is helpful but also remember “If it ain’t broke don’t fix it”.

The new appointees are intriguing. Cox has fulfilled his commitment to increase department heads from off the Wasatch Front. This ensures a practical and interesting approach to state government.

Webb: Cox has a well-balanced, nicely diverse staff and cabinet. He has reached across the state. They need to remember who’s the boss. You succeed if the boss succeeds.

Any recommendations for working with the Legislature?

Pignanelli: Cox and Henderson possess legislative experience and understand the dynamics of those bodies — which is crucial to success. A veteran lawmaker once expressed to me, “Legislators want the governor to lead us, even in an aggressive manner. But we will exercise our fundamental right to complain and oppose him.” Such conflict is the essence of democracy. Understanding and leveraging such guarantees success.

Webb: Cox and Henderson will do fine with the Utah’s 104 independently-elected lawmakers. They already rather like each other. But there will be real tension, as there should be, between the executive and legislative branches. Some legislators view the Herbert/Cox pandemic responses as too onerous. And there is unease in the governor’s office over the Legislature’s new ability to call itself into special session.

The governor enjoys the bully pulpit and is far more visible to citizens. Legislation needs his signature. But Utah’s lawmakers aren’t shy about exerting their authority. Political arm-wrestling is healthy exercise.