In multicandidate races, how can hopefuls differentiate themselves?

By Frank Pignanelli & LaVarr Webb

The June 25 primary election is fast approaching. The stakes are obviously high, but the unique characteristics of this event have broad implications beyond just finalizing nominees.

The primary contest for U.S. Senate, with four candidates, and the two gubernatorial contenders are obviously attracting the most attention. But also on the ballot are three candidates for attorney general, five for the 3rd Congressional District and two each in the 1st and 2nd congressional districts. And some legislative races are also in play. How should a down-ballot candidate confront these unique challenges?

Pignanelli: “Every great political campaign rewrites the rules; devising a new way to win is what gives campaigns a comparative advantage against their foes.” — John Podhoretz

This primary is the ultimate cage match. Over two dozen contestants will be battling against an opponent(s) but also deflecting errant swings from combatants in other races.

All candidates strive to distinguish themselves from the field. But, spoiler alert: Pouring more resources in TV commercials bashing Biden, screaming about immigration or walking through nature will not achieve that goal. Down-ballot contenders should utilize inexpensive geo-fenced social media ads and good old-fashioned shoe leather. They cannot compete with the massive war chests of statewide hopefuls vying for voter attention and must focus their efforts on hyper-local outreach of high-likely voters. Tactics identifying voters and understanding participating demographics will be crucial.

The winners of this upcoming cage match are breeding needed campaign operatives who understand 21st-century technology and dynamics.

Webb: Way back in 1992 (yes, ancient history), when I ran Mike Leavitt’s first campaign for governor, we confronted this issue: How does a little-known candidate with limited resources run a statewide primary race against a much better-known opponent? How can we differentiate ourselves by connecting with voters at a very local level and show that we care about their particular issues?

One strategy was to visit cities, towns and small counties all across Utah, arranging in advance an interview with the local radio station and local newspaper. So we would hit a town with Leavitt carrying one of those old “brick” cell phones. He would walk down Main Street with a local mayor, legislator or other leader.

He would get on the phone interview with the local radio station, talk about local issues and say something like: “Yeah, it’s great to be in Richfield. I’m here with (local leader) and we’re about to visit with the folks in Bob’s Barber Shop and Fred’s Drug Store. I’m hearing folks here are concerned about (list issues). As governor, I’m going to work hard on (local issues) with (local leaders). I know they’re important here in Sevier County.” And so on.

We might spend only an hour in a county or community, and hit four or five communities in a day. But by leveraging precious time, most everyone in the county knew that Leavitt was there and cared about their issues. Grassroots politicking, even in a statewide race. Today’s communications channels are different, but local engagement is key. With social media, it’s actually easier.

The primary election to determine the Republican nominee to replace Rep. John Curtis will have five names on the ballot. (Mike Kennedy, JR Bird, John Dougall, Case Lawrence and Stewart Peay.) Thus, the plurality percentage to win could be the lowest in history. What strategies do politicos expect in this contest?

Pignanelli: All these hopefuls possess strong and varied backgrounds. But politicos are sensing that Kennedy is maintaining a slight lead over Lawrence (with the others trailing), while a huge undecided remains.

This contest will be won on three tried and true political principals: name ID, name ID and name ID. The gubernatorial and Senate contests are sucking most of the political oxygen and many voters will have taxed their enthusiasm for carefully vetting each candidate via an internet search. The path to victory is voters recognizing a name and possibly correlating that into some amount of trust for the candidate. Again, this will require creative tactics and messaging.

Webb: Nothing replaces long hours and very hard work. Walking neighborhoods can be dramatically leveraged by focused communications to all voters in the community before and after the walk. “I’m coming. I want to hear from you.” “I was there; this is what I heard you’re concerned about.”

Coalitions and mini-campaigns can be developed within dozens of interest groups and geographic areas. Well-known chairs within each interest group or geographic region can be given the charge and resources to run campaigns, including social media, within their coalitions or communities.

Does this flurry of candidates foster possible changes to the convention/delegate and signature-gathering process?

Pignanelli: Especially in the 3rd Congressional District with five candidates on the ballot, this question is relevant. More importantly, what, if anything, can be done? Some legislators are already weighing changes to Utah’s election system. Possible solutions include raising the signature threshold, eliminating the convention process, statewide ranked choice voting or implementing a runoff cycle. Each of these possibilities will appease certain constituencies while other special interests will sharpen their pitchforks.

Webb: The top vote-getter tends to be the best candidate even with a relatively low percentage of votes. I would be fine with a runoff election between the top two if no candidate gets above, say, 35%. It would cost a little money, but democracy is worth it.

Will endorsements make a difference in Republican primary?

By Frank Pignanelli & LaVarr Webb

Spring has finally arrived and the primary election is a month from now, June 25. With Republicans dominant in statewide and congressional races, the primary is where Utahns will likely elect their next U.S. senator and U.S. House members. So, while Utahns are enjoying the weather, politicos are wagging tongues about polls, advertising, debates and endorsements. We join in the frolicking.

Rep. John Curtis released an internal poll showing him with a substantial lead in the U.S. Senate race. Yet the other three candidates are undaunted, running aggressively with varying tactics. What’s the skinny?

Pignanelli: “Changing media behavior may be testing the efficacy of political advertising.” — Nick Corasaniti, New York Times.

My generation and older (aka those who still watch network television) are witnessing the last gasp of 20th-century tactics. Political television commercials are increasingly ineffective, and the current ads are virtually indistinguishable (immigration, anti-President Joe Biden, guns, etc.) In this vacuum of innovation, a preexisting base of support becomes paramount.

In a September 2023 internal poll, Curtis led the pack. Similar results were revealed in an external January survey. Even a discount of Curtis’ recent poll still gives him a strong margin. The other contingent are core former President Donald Trump supporters, which Trent Staggs owns. Thus, the millions spent have not moved the needle. Observers are conjecturing this is essentially a two-person race with four contenders, so the winner only needs about 35%, certainly achievable by Curtis.

Another question haunting political observers is why Brad Wilson has not gained traction with his impressive legislative career and expending millions. The remaining month provides time for trajectories to change, but campaign operatives must understand most voters are not watching, or are bored with, television commercials. Welcome to the 21st century.

Webb: Curtis is clearly ahead, but the large number of undecided voters means Wilson or Staggs has a chance against Curtis in the campaign’s final weeks. Social media and traditional advertising is important in a primary, but grassroots field work is even more valuable.

The Staggs endorsement is a test of Trump’s strength among Utah Republican voters. Staggs is an all-in, ultra-MAGA mini-Trump. Republicans who idolize Trump will likely vote for Staggs. Wilson, who is a terrific person and politician, is in a difficult spot because Staggs has the Trump devotees, while the better-known Curtis enjoys solid mainstream support.

Ultimately, the winning candidate will effectively target definite voters, communicate frequently with them in ways that connect on a personal level and then get them to actually vote.

Endorsements seemed to a play a critical role in the GOP convention battles. Trump’s endorsement of Staggs was clearly helpful in convention. Sen. Mike Lee’s backing of Colby Jenkins over Rep. Celeste Maloy was golden for Jenkins in the 3rd District race. Will Lee or Gov. Spencer Cox influence voters in the Senate race? Do blessings from high-profile officials matter as much in a primary?

Pignanelli: Endorsements are only as good as the approval rating of the endorser and must convey to voters something about the candidate they do not already know. Especially effective are third-party expressions of support from business and community leaders for local-office candidates. The angst among those candidates who are not beneficiaries of a famous politician is understandable, but easily remedied with a strategic focus on messaging and social media while avoiding excessive television commercials (see above).

Webb: Endorsements won’t play as big a role in the primary as they did in the state convention. Lee is playing a risky game by snubbing his colleague Maloy and endorsing Jenkins. There’s no guarantee Jenkins will win in November. Maloy is a fighter and an excellent grassroots candidate. She may long remember Lee’s surprise slap in the face.

Early on, before Curtis got in the Senate race, Cox endorsed Wilson. But it’s unlikely Cox will be highly vocal because he also appears to like Curtis. However, if Trump acolyte Staggs appears to be coming on strong, it could motivate Cox to get more involved in the Senate race.

The Trump and Biden campaigns rejected the official Presidential Debate Commission’s debate plans, and instead developed their own debate calendar and venues. This eliminates Salt Lake City/University of Utah as host for the October match. Should Utahns be upset?

Pignanelli: Many insiders agree, the main reason why sworn enemies Biden and Trump would agree on anything of this magnitude is to keep Robert F. Kennedy Jr. off the stage — a cynical ploy. As a loyal Utahn of Italian and Irish heritage, I will carry this grudge against both for a long time.

Webb: It is unfortunate we won’t host a big presidential debate in Utah, but I’m not much concerned about the Debate Commission snub. More important is seeing that the rules and procedures are fair for both candidates in upcoming debates. Some commentators think Trump got snookered by Biden by instantly agreeing to debates and rules proposed by Biden. A few additional debates would be nice, but Biden is unlikely to agree to more than two.

3 political leaders who taught important lessons

By Frank Pignanelli & LaVarr Webb

Pignanelli & Webb: “Leaders don’t create followers, they create more leaders.” — Tom Peters. This week, the University of Utah hosted a public memorial for former Salt Lake City Mayor Ted Wilson. But we also remember the lives of two other prominent politicians, Congressman Chris Cannon and State Sen. Richard Carling. Your columnists knew all three very well and we will miss them. Their political careers are inspirational and the challenges they faced are instructional.

Ted Wilson: Salt Lake City Mayor 1976-1985; candidate for U.S. Senate 1982; candidate for governor 1988. Wilson was a popular mayor and well-respected director of the Hinckley Institute of Politics. The early polls indicated he would win the governor’s race in 1988 but he was bested by incumbent Gov. Norm Bangerter in a three-way race that included Independent Merrill Cook.

Wilson was exactly the leader Salt Lake City needed in the late 1970s and 1980s. His charisma and personality not only invigorated Utahns but prompted companies and organizations across the country to consider doing business here.

He suffered some minor hiccups (like Main Street beautification) but also won significant victories (preventing terrible destruction from the 1983 floods and changing the form of government to ensure better representation). Utah’s capital still enjoys the benefits of his vision.

Wilson was a popular candidate for governor in 1988, at one point enjoying a near 30-point lead in the polls. Democrats were also resurgent that year, capturing positions in the Legislature, attorney general, county offices and even in Congress. But as November approached, the Bangerter campaign (led by Frank’s former business partner Doug Foxley) and independent candidate Cook (who criticized tax increases initiated by Bangerter) developed credible messaging.

Unfortunately for Wilson, his campaign did not adequately counter Bangerter’s end-of-campaign momentum. Utahns continued to admire the former mayor even after he lost. Indeed, many of Bangerter’s campaign operatives became his friends and supported his other endeavors.

Wilson’s leadership is also reflected by his success and mentorship at the Hinckley Institute of Politics, and his appointment to a cabinet position by Republican Gov. Gary Herbert.

Chris Cannon: U.S. House of Representatives, 3rd District, 1997-2009. Cannon was a successful lawyer, businessman and venture capitalist who was elected to Congress in 1996. He was defeated in the 2008 GOP primary by Jason Chaffetz.

A one-time roommate of LaVarr’s during a Washington, D.C., internship, Cannon was a creative intellectual who could juggle a number of complicated issues and ideas simultaneously. He helped revitalize Geneva Steel and created numerous jobs and opportunities for Utah County residents. As a congressman, Cannon was a conservative but successfully worked across the aisle and cleared obstacles so new technologies could blossom. His tech insights helped produce a high-tech boom in the state. A conversation with Cannon was often a wild amusement ride that went unpredictable places on sophisticated topics. He was a master of the details.

But 21st-century politics were evolving. Candidates needed proficiency in social media, brief talking points and red meat for conservative Republicans. Chaffetz was a charismatic candidate who knew how to excite the base. He understood policy substance, utilized new technologies, while promising change. These are the skills that primary voters selected despite their affection for Cannon.

Richard Carling: Elected to the Utah House of Representatives in 1966, representing the downtown Salt Lake City area. Elected to the Utah Senate in 1976. Lost reelection in 1990 after 24 years of service. A successful attorney, Carling was famous for his obsession with running (155 marathon races and 39 consecutive Boston Marathons). As Utah was beginning to expand over half a century ago, visionary lawmakers were needed to fund public education, universities and social programs. Carling and a group of other senators are beloved by old timers like us for their willingness to work together, across the aisle, and establish the foundation for which we enjoy today.

Carling was a true gentleman who treated people kindly. This explains why in his final election, Dick enjoyed the endorsement of many traditional liberal organizations. But politics was changing in Salt Lake City. The capital city was becoming more Democratic as the rest of the state became more Republican. This demographic shift impacted Carling’s reelection effort against Robert Steiner (who ran a great retail political campaign). Carling will always be remembered as one of Utah’s greatest competitive runners. LaVarr and Frank each relished many opportunities trying to keep up with him on runs up City Creek Canyon where he was the local hero to many who enjoyed his company.

Are there common character traits among these beloved community leaders that can serve as inspiration for future generations? They each taught how to win magnanimously, and how to lose gracefully. They will be remembered for how they spread the credit, treated everyone with dignity and respect regardless of party affiliation or personal characteristics, and how to enjoy time spent in public service. They inspired people who are making a difference today who will hopefully carry on these traditions.

Will pro-Palestine protests at universities impact politics this year?

A pro-Palestine college student protest at the University of Utah was short-lived due to the decisive action of University President Taylor Randall. Will Randall’s action bring praise or criticism from Utahns?

By Frank Pignanelli & LaVarr Webb

Although LaVarr was in high school and Frank was an eighth grader in 1968, we recall the anti-war protests troubling the country that ultimately influenced elections that year. Thus, we have opinions about recent activities throughout the nation and in Utah.

For weeks, pro-Palestine college student protests and counter-protests have popped up around the country, including at the University of Utah. But unlike on many campuses, the local disruption was short-lived due to the decisive action of University President Taylor Randall. In response, over 160 faculty members signed a letter to “vehemently object” to the use of force by law enforcement. Will Randall’s action bring praise or criticism from Utahns?

Pignanelli: “There is one glaring similarity between (Vietnam Era) protests and now: the protesters’ ideological and behavioral excesses undermine the very causes for which they fight.”—Max Boot, Washington Post

uccessful dean of the business college, Randall was a well-respected academic upon elevation to president. He immediately enjoyed strong support from Mainstreet, the state Capitol and religious leaders. Every reaction by Randall to a challenge (including this one) has only bolstered his golden reputation.

On behalf of thousands who are alumni, donors, parents and family members of students, season-ticket holders and other supporters of our flagship institution, I hereby praise and express gratitude to Randall. He prevented the outrageous disasters we experienced with the 2011 “Occupy Salt Lake City” encampments. My sympathies are shared with fellow Utahns — and by most Americans. (Eighty percent of Americans side with Israel against Hamas, as revealed by a survey conducted by Harvard University and Harris Insights and Analytics.) Indeed, even the usually left-leaning “Saturday Night Live” program questioned the students’ objectives in a humorous sketch. Faculty members have the right to express opinions, but they are in stark contrast to the community who built the institution that employs them.

Randall exemplifies that a local raised in this magnificent state can possess the leadership qualities necessary for a globally recognized university.

Webb: Protesting is fine, a great American tradition. Go ahead and hold up signs, march and chant. But don’t prevent other students from going to class or to other activities. Don’t block roads. Don’t disrupt the lives of people who don’t share your views. If you violate laws, you should be arrested. Use of law enforcement by the university administration was certainly appropriate.

We need to keep things in perspective. These demonstrations are quite tame compared to the anti-war protests in the 1960s and ′70s. It’s really a small number of students protesting now, and in some cases, they are egged on by professional agitators. It’s understandable to be concerned about the welfare of Gaza civilians. It’s not OK, in my opinion, to support Hamas, a murderous terrorist organization with the same goal as the Nazis in World War II.

Do these exercises of the First Amendment (whether peaceful or violent) affect upcoming elections and public policy?

Pignanelli: If these protests continue, there may be resolutions adopted by the Legislature and various local government entities expressing gratitude to Randall and frustration with these activities. A solid majority of Utahns voted for the Lyndon Johnson/Hubert Humphrey ticket in 1964. By 1968, there was intense frustration with the chaos on campuses and the streets. This propelled Utahns’ support of Richard Nixon over Humphrey by an even larger margin. If demonstrations continue through the summer, a similar momentum will appear in the presidential election and other contests.

Webb: I do remember 1968 from the perspective of a high school kid. Today, by comparison, we live in an era of peace, prosperity, equality and opportunity. In 1968, anti-war demonstrations ripped the country apart. Race relations also reached a boiling point after Martin Luther King was assassinated in April. An avowed segregationist, George Wallace, was a serious candidate for president. (DEI is a minor controversy, by comparison.)

In June, Robert F. Kennedy was assassinated. A real war was raging, with 500,000 U.S. soldiers fighting, and 1,000 of them being killed each month in Vietnam. All of this produced violent demonstrations across the country. This era also saw the rise of the hippie “free love” culture and the Black Power movement.

All of this emotion and tumult exploded at the 1968 Democratic National Convention in Chicago, with demonstrators hurling bottles, rocks and broken glass. Chicago police brutally responded with clubs and tear gas. The convention debacle badly damaged Humphrey and he never recovered.

It’s unlikely anything on the scale of 1968 will occur at this year’s Democratic Convention in Chicago. But anything ugly could hurt Biden and the Democrats among the party’s base voters.

With higher education currently in the crosshairs of national and local officials, will President Randall’s actions, and those of his colleagues, impact future policy decisions?

Pignanelli: The disparity between faculty and the surrounding community will not be lost on policymakers. This may propel legislation on various issues. But Randall can influence deliberations away from antagonism and towards productive — and needed — reform measures.

Webb: Higher education faces major challenges with declining numbers of college students, high student debt and questions about the relevance of a liberal arts education in today’s workplace. It is time for reckoning and reform in the ivory towers of academia.

Wild and crazy state GOP convention

Frank Pignanelli & LaVarr Webb

Utah political pundits and commentators have been abuzz with analysis and conjecture regarding last Saturday’s political conventions. We also can’t resist sharing our wise perceptions (aka ramblings from two old guys) of these important events.

The state Republican Convention was a 16-hour grueling test of survival for delegates, activists and especially the candidates. Among key outcomes: Senate candidate Trent Staggs captured 70% of the delegate vote, and Gov. Spencer Cox garnered only 32% against Phil Lyman’s 68%. What lessons or trends can be gleaned from this springtime political fest?

Pignanelli: “A political convention is just not a place where you come away with any trace of faith in human nature.” — Murray Kempton.

Many Utahns were rolling eyes in response to the convention delegates’ antics. Yet, regardless of the demonstrations and outcomes, these politicos were given valuable insight into electioneering developments.

First, high-paid consultants refused to acknowledge a national trend that was obvious in other federal races for a decade. Bombarding voters with TV ads, especially within that narrow slice of 4,000 delegates, was a waste of resources. The commercials aired by Senate candidates contained identical messaging (i.e., “tough on immigration, Biden, inflation, etc.”). But they all lacked creativity. Staggs shrewdly avoided this trap and won.

The convention also reflected the internal struggles confronting the GOP in other states and nationally between traditional, mainstream Republicans and Trumpistas. The latter prevailed last Saturday.

The delegates established a four-way primary for Senate and a five-way contest for the 3rd Congressional District. So, the successful candidates who achieve around 35 to 40% will win. This dynamic creates an advantage for contenders with a strong base — Curtis and Staggs. Cookie-cutter TV ads will again be useless.

Recent polling indicates that Cox will perform well in the primary.

History documents that convention results are rarely mirrored in a primary result. The recent sacrifice of delegates will be soon forgotten, except as future argument points among insiders.

Webb: The lesson is, if you want to win at the State Republican convention, lick Donald Trump’s boots, make silly demands like “defund the U.N.!” (Trent Staggs), and align with do-nothing obstructionists like Lauren Boebert, Marjorie Taylor Greene and Matt Gaetz.

Don’t propose anything that might actually have a chance of passing Congress and being signed by the president. Just make simplistic demands that push the nation’s most serious problems off into the future.

My biggest concern is that some of these candidates, if they win, would push our nation closer to World War III with their embrace of Vladimir Putin and hostility toward our allies. Utah doesn’t need another isolationist in Congress.

It’s obvious that Lyman will be soundly defeated by Gov. Cox in the primary election. Staggs has a better chance in the primary if the right wing coalesces around him, while the mainstream vote is split between John Curtis and Brad Wilson. I think Staggs still loses, but it might be close.

In my years of involvement in politics, I’m perhaps most proud of helping a terrific group of people, including Mike Leavitt, Gail Miller, Rich McKeown and others, establish the signature-gathering path for candidates to get on the primary election ballot. Utah would be in a terrible place politically if delegates alone controlled the nomination process.

The media has extensively covered the boos and catcalls that Gov. Cox endured during his convention speeches. Also, many incumbents were defeated or forced into primaries. What is the cause, and remedy, of this hostility?

Pignanelli: The outrageous overt expressions of nastiness by convention partisans against their own is a result of extremism fueled by consolidating power into small, elite groups. Since the introduction of signature gathering, delegates are desperately clinging to any ounce of power that remains on convention day. Last week’s antics ensure more candidates will gather signatures as an insurance policy and strategic campaign decision to avoid delegates’ unpredictable behavior. This will result in further dilution of delegate influence while producing crowded primary ballots.

Webb: Politics is a rough-and-tumble sport. But that doesn’t mean delegates should descend into ugly mob behavior in the emotion of a political convention. A lot of them were probably embarrassed the next morning. Cox joins an all-star lineup of fine politicians who have been booed at state Republican conventions. In fact, if you’re not booed by this crowd, something must be wrong with you. Were he at that podium, Ronald Reagan himself would have been booed.

Also last Saturday, Democrats hosted a rather subdued state convention. Anything noticeable from the minority party?

Pignanelli: Some pundits criticized Democrats for not fostering more candidates and primaries. This is a silly observation. They fulfilled their mission of providing a full slate for major offices with little internal turmoil.

Webb: For the most part, the Democrats nominated solid, moderate candidates who have no chance to win the major races. But it’s good to have competition on the general election ballot.

A state convention preview

By Frank Pignanelli & LaVarr Webb

State party conventions will be held this Saturday. Election dynamics make the Republican gathering historic and impactful, and it will illustrate the positives and negatives of the current nomination process. Since your columnists have been engaged observers of this unique American activity for half a century, we offer our perspectives.

A large percentage of federal and state candidates in competitive contests have secured placement on the primary ballot through the signature gathering option. They do this while still professing affection for delegates and conventions. How is this relatively new avenue of political access (first implemented in 2014) evolving and is it here to stay?

Pignanelli: “Gathering signatures is more than an insurance policy. It’s definitely a strategy.” — Becki Wright, CEO Proximity, Hinckley Report. New telephone area codes, limitations on sharing streaming services and reservations to visit recreation areas are examples of the many lifestyles changes we today endure because of ongoing societal developments. Similarly, signature gathering is now a permanent feature of Utah’s elections that reflects such alterations to our daily routines.

Although expensive, collecting signatures guarantees placement on the primary ballot. Equally important, this action has evolved into a multifaceted tool by campaigns to ensure contention in the primary and force lesser financed competitors to expend resources. Contemporarily, convention battles have increased in costs, thereby diminishing any advantages to this process. Thus, to rely solely on the fickle attitudes of delegates is an unreliable tactic.

The inability to share your Netflix password with friends, and the hassle of collecting signatures, are now fixed inconveniences.

Webb: When I was a newspaper reporter decades ago, I attended and wrote about many party caucuses and county, state and national conventions. After leaving journalism, I helped candidates prepare for these critical election milestones, and I also served many times as a county and state delegate.

So I have a fondness for the caucus/convention process. Gathering at a local school with neighbors to discuss politics and important issues is an excellent exercise in grassroots democracy. It remains a valid path to get on the primary election ballot.

I like party activists. I respect people who are passionate about politics and show up at every political event. But I don’t think they, alone, should get to decide who appears on the primary ballot. More casual party members also need a voice in the nominating process. That’s why I was involved in the Count My Vote effort that produced the hybrid system we have today, enabling candidates to seek a spot on the primary ballot via the caucus/convention system, or by gathering signatures, or by using both paths.

The fact is that caucuses and conventions are not representative of the voting public. Plenty of old, white, males (like me) participate. But women, minorities and young people are vastly underrepresented, but still want and deserve a role in the process.

Candidates have embraced signature gathering to secure a ballot position. The dual-path system is working well. We need to keep it.

The 2024 election is massively important for Utah Republicans. It features key open state and federal seats and a crucial presidential race. Despite these incentives for involvement, turnout was low at the Super Tuesday March 5 precinct caucuses to select delegates and vote a presidential preference. Is this a message that most Republicans have lost interest in the caucus/convention system?

Pignanelli: A solid rule of our culture is that Americans express their preferences for consumer products, services and community activities through purchases or attendance. Utahns have signaled little interest in spending time, especially on a beautiful Saturday, listening to activists debate minutia. Further, conventions are plagued with inefficiencies caused by longtime problems party officials inherited.

How we interact with our family, health care professionals, work colleagues, etc. changed dramatically in the last 20 years. So, even the most engaged citizens prefer a similar, and easier, route of political involvement. In other words, they choose the comfort of wearing fuzzy slippers and a robe while at home to complete the ballot that has been sitting on the kitchen counter for weeks.

Webb: Precinct caucuses don’t fit busy modern lifestyles. I wish more people would attend and vote for convention delegates, but caucus participation, as a percentage of party voters, is going to continue to decline.

Why this school board member was defeated at the GOP convention

By Frank Pignanelli & LaVarr Webb

Last week, Utah witnessed three developments that ranged from sad to intriguing to hopeful. We review how these events are important in our local politics.

State School Board incumbent Natalie Cline was trounced by her challenger, Amanda Bollinger, 63%-37%, in last week’s Salt Lake County Republican convention and will not be on the primary ballot. Already a controversial figure, Cline received national attention for implying in a social media post that a minor student athlete was transgender. Beyond the obvious fact that negative publicity usually hurts candidates, what does the convention result tell us?

Pignanelli: “Bullying never has to do with you. It’s the bully who’s insecure.” — Shay Mitchell

A former advocate of party conventions now turned ferocious critic, I join the multitude of fellow citizens applauding this outcome. But more examination is required.

Bollinger is a good candidate, an important detail. (She’s a former instructor at my wonderful alma mater, Cottonwood High School, an indicator of her qualities.) Had Bollinger been mediocre, a different result was possible.

Our culture has many historical legacies which make Utah a wonderful place. This includes antipathy toward bullying. Thus, the recent convention illustrated compassionate conservatives who wholly reject hate and vitriol from elected officials, especially when directed toward an innocent child.

Cline offered a tepid apology within the first moments of controversy. Then she doubled down on her opinions and blamed others for the backlash. Utahns will forgive a mistake if there is a sincere request and an attitude of contrition, which Cline never exuded.

It’s rare for me to compliment the actions of political party delegates, but I hereby do so.

Webb: Cline’s decisive defeat sends an important message that Utahns reject extremism, and especially harassment of innocent young people. It is actually the best end possible for this saga, with Cline being summarily dumped by Republican convention delegates — those who would be most expected to support her. She can’t claim the “elites” or the “establishment” took her down.

Former Salt Lake City Mayor Ted Wilson passed away on April 11. What lessons can we learn from his remarkable legacy?

Pignanelli: Many in my generation were learning of politics as Wilson was gaining prominence in City Hall. We grew up with Wilson as a mentor of how leadership is provided. Republicans, Democrats and independents enjoyed his friendly demeanor of never exhibiting personal animosity when expressing disagreement. In my early days on the speech stump, he would occasionally offer firm but needed advice that I still treasure. My condolences to the family with the hope that we preserve his legacy in actions and deeds.

Webb: Ted Wilson is absolutely one of my favorite people ever. He was a terrific politician — charming, handsome, genuine and a friend to all. He never let any of that go to his head, although he was kept appropriately humble by losing major races to Republicans.

Those with long memories might recall that Ted was actually an original founder of this column. We wrote it together starting in 2001 until he got too busy and Frank took over for him in 2004. He was a pleasure to work with. I also partnered with Ted and the Exoro Group in some political consulting work a number of years ago.

Despite being congenial and caring, Ted could be tough and decisive. I once saw him nearly take the head off a guy who, in the heat of a political disagreement, questioned his personal integrity. When I was working in the governor’s office, I was quoted saying disparaging things about the Southern Utah Wilderness Alliance, which I thought was sabotaging our public lands initiative. Ted, an ardent conservationist, was dispatched to set me straight and we had a very spirited discussion. And we emerged as friends.

Ted’s work inspiring thousands of young college students is perhaps his greatest and longest-lasting legacy.

Sen. Mike Lee conducted interviews with some Senate candidates, apparently to assess whether they are worthy of support. Would Lee’s endorsement, or that of any high-profile Republican, help a contender in the upcoming state convention?

Pignanelli: Endorsements can matter during the convention cycle. Celeste Maloy garnered the support of fellow candidates (Jordan Hess), local rural leaders and her predecessor (Chris Stewart), which delivered the convention. Marlo Oaks played a significant role helping John Curtis during his last congressional run. Conversely, withholding endorsements can also define relationships (i.e. Mitt Romney not endorsing Lee two years ago).

Politicos will be watching the equivalent drama of a junior high school cafeteria play at the state convention to learn who can sit at the popular table.

Webb: A number of Senate candidates do seem to be auditioning for Lee’s favor. He has been popular among state convention delegates in the past, so his endorsement could be helpful. But it wouldn’t be smart for Lee to endorse. There are so many solid conservatives dividing the delegate vote that he may not be able to play kingmaker. Also, enough candidates have successfully gathered signatures that the convention won’t determine who appears on the primary election ballot.

What to expect at Utah’s political conventions

By Frank Pignanelli & LaVarr Webb

The contests for U.S. Senate and Congress are dominating political discussions in Utah. But in two weeks, April 27, delegates at Republican and Democratic conventions will also partly determine the fate of candidates for other statewide offices and multicounty legislative districts. These are interesting races, despite not being in the spotlight.

“The big secret to winning elections is to get more votes than your opponent.” — Jesse Helms

Here are races and things to watch:

Convention dynamics: Regardless of the office, a convention environment has unique pressures and demands, which require smart strategy. Momentum can shift quickly in a convention. Almost as important as the competency and attractiveness of candidates are such things as having a plan to keep supporters in their seats for the duration of the event.

If multiple rounds of voting are required in a cramped, chaotic convention hall on a nice spring Saturday afternoon, some delegates just bag it and head for home. This will be especially important for multiple-candidate races like U.S. Senate, 3rd Congressional District, governor and some legislative contests.

Another dynamic is that many candidates are still collecting signatures for primary ballot placement, hoping to beat the approaching deadline. If they succeed, the convention is a formality, although still important for bragging rights. If they don’t obtain enough signatures, the convention becomes “win or go home.”

Governor’s race: At the GOP convention, Gov. Spencer Cox (who is already qualified for the primary ballot via signatures) will face retiring Rep. Phil Lyman, former Republican Chair Carson Jorgensen, activist Sylvia Miera-Fisk, and veteran Scott Robbins. This race is essentially defined as incumbent Cox versus his detractors on the party’s extreme right wing. Politicos will be watching the percentage of delegate votes that Cox wins. He could eliminate all opponents at the convention. Or, delegates could elevate one or two contenders, setting up a primary contest on June 25. Further, the Trump influence will be interesting as Jorgensen and Lyman are especially aligned with the former president. The convention outcome juxtaposed with the primary election results could confirm arguments that delegates are out of touch with mainstream Republicans.

Attorney general’s race: The contest to replace Attorney General Sean Reyes featuring Derek Brown (who will also likely have enough signatures for the primary ballot), Rachel Terry, Frank Mylar and Trent Christensen will also be illustrative of party dynamics. Brown is the true establishment candidate, having worked in the offices of Orrin Hatch and Sen. Mike Lee, in high-profile law firms, and as chair of the state Republican Party. As the presumptive strongest candidate, he is being targeted by his opponents. Terry has long-time experience in state and local government legal and administrative activities. Christensen is enjoying some support among far-right activists but, as of this writing, was still not licensed to practice law in Utah (a requirement in the state constitution).

Democrats Rudy Bautista and David Carlson also filed for attorney general, and their state convention will determine if a primary election is needed.

State Senate races: Candidates in multicounty legislative districts are vetted at the state conventions. With the retirement of Sen. Curt Bramble, the predominantly Provo seat (Utah, Wasatch Counties) is wide open. Former Senate Majority Whip Dan Hemmert has qualified for the primary ballot, but how he fares against Rep. Keven Stratton and former Rep. Brad Daw will be closely watched. Will Bramble endorse?

Sen. Jake Anderegg resigned last year from his seat (Utah, Salt Lake counties) and was replaced by Heidi Balderree in a special election. She now faces Emily Lockhart, daughter of beloved former House Speaker Becky Lockhart, and businessman Garrett Cammans. Lockhart and Cammans have qualified for the primary ballot. Can Balderree hold the affection of delegates to survive for a primary?

Well known for humorous and witty commentary on social media, Sen. Todd Weiler (Davis, Salt Lake) is challenged by privacy activist Ron Mortensen and Brady Tracy. As chair of the Judiciary Committee, Weiler has been influential in the states’ judicial operations.

State House races: House Speaker Mike Schultz (also qualified for primary) is challenged by Hooper Mayor Korry Green. Schultz is favored, but it’s always interesting for observers when a popular speaker has a convention opponent.

Democratic Rep. Brian King is retiring from his House seat (Salt Lake, Summit) to pursue the governorship. Both Democratic candidates, Hoang Nguyen and Jeff Howell, have qualified for the primary ballot. But how delegates cast their preference at their state convention district caucus will be keenly observed. Howell is the son of former Senate Minority Leader Scott Howell and Nguyen is a prominent businesswoman. Both have accumulated impressive endorsements from the left-of-center community.

Curt Bramble note: As mentioned above, Bramble is retiring from the Legislature after 24 years of service. Few legislators in state history have had as much impact on diverse issues as this hard-driving Provo accountant. Bramble possesses keen intelligence and an incredible memory. He relished tackling tough issues by gathering all the stakeholders to find common ground. His vibrant presence will be missed.